Home > News & Policies > Press Secretary Briefings |
For Immediate Release
Office of the Press Secretary
April 25, 2003
Press Briefing by Ari Fleischer
James S. Brady Press Briefing Room
12:19 P.M. EDT
MR. FLEISCHER: Good
afternoon. I want to make a statement
about the
Department of Commerce's report today
that the economy is estimated to have
grown at 1.6 percent annual rate for
the 1st quarter of 2003. This is well
below market expectations. The President views the latest report from
the
Commerce Department as a very
important note to the Congress about the
importance of passing a robust jobs
and growth package.
Recent economic data continue to make
it imperative for Congress to act, to
do more, rather than less to create
jobs for the American people. He hopes
that
Congress, when they return next week,
will take this latest report into account
as they consider the amount of tax
relief they pass to help create jobs for
America's workers.
With that, and no opening statement
beyond it, I'm happy to take your
questions.
Q
Is the
U.S. going to go the U.N. and ask that North Korea be declared
in violation of the Nuclear
Non-Proliferation Treaty, now that they've said they
have nuclear weapons?
MR. FLEISCHER: Well, as a result of earlier action taken by
North Korea
involving their abrogation of their
international agreements as a signatory to
the Non-Proliferation Treaty, as well
as their abandonment of an agreement they
made previously with the United
States on the agreed framework, the IAEA
--
the International Atomic Energy
Administration -- met and recommended that --
the world came together in a rather
large meeting through the IAEA and
recommended that this matter go to
the United Nations for consideration to
express disapproval to North Korea of
their actions.
So there is widespread international
support to internationalize this issue
and to discuss at the United
Nations. Those discussions have --
begin at the
United Nations. They will continue at the United
Nations. And we are working
with members of the United Nations to
see what the appropriate message and way
the United Nations can express that
message of disapproval to the North Koreans
can be.
Q
Is it U.S. view that North Korea should be subjected to sanctions for
its nuclear weapons?
MR. FLEISCHER: Our view is that North Korea has taken
actions that
continue to isolate North Korea, that
continue to invite upon North Korea
international disagreement. And we will continue to work with our
partners.
While we have not expressed any
position about whether that should result
specifically in sanctions, this is a
matter we want to discuss with not only the
allies in the region who play a very
important role, because they're neighbors,
but you point out something that's
very important -- North Korea has thumbed
its nose, not only at the region, but
at much of the world, as a result of its
actions, and, therefore, has been
condemned by much of the world.
Q
Ari, in terms of what North Korea was saying, vis-a-vis its possession
of nuclear weapons, is that being
read here at all as North Korea sending a
signal to the United States -- we
saw what you did in Iraq, don't try that
here, because we've got some very bad
weapons and we just may use them?
MR. FLEISCHER: Well, I think we're interested in North
Korea's actions.
We are interested in their words, of
course. The words are much more
complicated than their actions. Their actions are what count the most, and
their actions, clearly, when it comes
to the development of their nuclear
weapons program, began in the late
1990s, years before anything happened with
Iraq.
So they're, judging by the timing of
North Korea's development of its
nuclear weapons program, in absolute
violation of their previous word and their
agreements. It has nothing to do with what happened in
Iraq; otherwise they
would have done it years ago.
Q
What they're saying and the way that they're saying it, you indicated
this morning you thought part of that
may just be bluster.
MR. FLEISCHER: No, I don't attribute anything to the
situation in Iraq to
the words that North Korea uses. You don't have search very hard, or scratch
the surface very much to find North
Korea using bluster as a standard part of
their vocabulary in all their
international dealings, Iraq notwithstanding.
But the talks that began were the
preliminary talks. They were useful. We
were able to express our position
directly to the North Koreans in a
multilateral forum, and our position
is unequivocal, that it's important for
North Korea to proceed with the
irrevocable dismantling of its nuclear weapons
program.
Q
Could I just
ask you one question on weapons of mass destruction in
Iraq?
The President said, while we may not have proof that they're actually
there now, we may never get that
proof that the weapons actually existed, the
best we may hope for is some proof
that there was a program, but at least we
know now that Saddam Hussein will
never be in a position to use them. One
of
the basic premises that this nation
was being sold on in terms of why war was
necessary was because he was actually
in possession of these weapons; not just
that he had a program, but the
weapons actually existed. It appears now
that
that may not be the case.
MR. FLEISCHER: No, it's the opposite of what the President
has said. Let
me read to you exactly the words that
the President used, because they've been
quoted about, not precisely, both at
the gaggle this morning. And let me just
read directly from what the President
said.
Yesterday, in his remarks at the tank
plant in Lima, the President said
that, "The regime of Saddam
Hussein spent years hiding and disguising his
weapons. He tried to fool the United Nations, and he
did for 12 years, by
hiding these weapons. And so it's going to take time to find them,
but we know
he had them. And whether he destroyed them, moved them, or
hid them, we're
going to find out the
truth." So the President has always
said they had them
--
they had them right up to the war.
And then in the interview with Tom
Brokaw, the President was even more
explicit when he said, they may have
hid some of them, they may have destroyed
some of them, they may have dispersed
some of them. Clearly he's saying, some
of them. And the President answered without any
hesitation or equivocation when
he said he is confident that we will
find out.
Q
But, again, the word "may," "may," "may"
appears in all of those
statements, which is to suggest that
there was no definitive proof that he had
these weapons. And without that definitive proof, does it
not undermine one of
your basic premises of launching a
war against Iraq?
MR. FLEISCHER: Only if you presume that it's possible to
destroy something
that you never had. And clearly, when the President says that we
have evidence
now that we are gathering that shows
that they may have destroyed some of them
on the eve of the war --
they couldn't have destroyed them if they didn't have
them.
And just because it happened on the eve of the war, that proves what the
President is saying about in the
months leading up to the war, that the real
cause of insecurity and the threat
that Iraq presented was that they had weapons
of mass destruction.
Our fear all along was they were
going to use them. We can't explain why
they may have destroyed some of
them. Perhaps over time we will find out
what
drove them to do that. Perhaps it was the fear of actually being
discovered,
caught red-handed with the very
weapons we said they had.
Q
The requirement of the U.N. resolution was that they destroy them. So
if they destroyed them on the eve of
war, doesn't that eliminate the pretext for
going to war? If they didn't have them any longer?
MR. FLEISCHER: First of all, they always denied that they
had them.
Second of all, we said that we have
some evidence they may have destroyed "some"
of them on the eve of war, and the
only reason we were able to even learn that
now is because we went to war because
they had them. They didn't make any
announcement that they may have
destroyed some of them, because, after all, they
said they never had any. So it actually proves the case, when you
think about
it, that if Iraq did, indeed, destroy
some of them on the even of war, they had
them, they lied to the United Nations
about them, they lied to the world about
them, they lied to the United States
about them, and they fooled the inspectors
when it came to having them. How could they have destroyed them if they
didn't
have them?
Now, that's some of them. They may have destroyed some of them, as the
President said. And as the President also pointed out, and
has been reminded on
a regular basis from the Gulf,
there's ongoing search operations that are now
really just beginning. We've searched some 90 sites, and there are
hundreds
more to go. And as the President made clear again, as we
continue to talk to
the people who have come into our
hands, we continue to gather more evidence,
more information that we will act
upon.
Q
Are you basing what you're saying on hard evidence that's been
gathered that weapons were destroyed,
or are you speculating?
MR. FLEISCHER: No, it's based on information and some reporting
that the
President has seen.
Q
So you are saying that Iraq destroyed weapons of mass destruction?
MR. FLEISCHER: I'm saying
-- I'm quoting what the President
said --
they may have destroyed some, they
may have dispersed some. The investigation
is continuing, and as time goes
along, we'll continue to gather more information
as we talk to the people involved.
Q
Now, before the war the administration was saying that field
commanders in the Iraqi army were
given orders allowing them to use WMD.
Do we
believe that was still the case, or
was that wrong?
MR. FLEISCHER: No, that was the information we had, that was
correct
information that we had. Why didn't they do a whole lot of
things? We still
don't know. Why didn't they blow up dams? Why didn't they destroy more of the
oil fields? Why didn't they use the WMD? It very well may be part --
part of
the explanation may be the successful
military campaign that was carried out
that prevented them from doing many
of the worse-case scenarios that we feared
they'd do.
Q
And if I
can just shift gears very briefly, what's the President's
beliefs about homosexuality?
MR. FLEISCHER: You know, that's a question that's been put
to the
President, and if you go back and you
look at it, the President has said that,
first of all, he doesn't ask that
question about people. He judges people
about
who they are, their individual
soul. That's not a matter the President
concerns
himself with. He judges people for how they act and how
they relate, and that's
his focus on that.
Q
How they act sexually? Because I
asked sexually --
MR. FLEISCHER: How they act as a person. The same way
--
Q
But the police in Texas asked how they act sexually.
MR. FLEISCHER: The same way you would say that about how
anybody --
what's his reaction to this person or
that person -- say, are they a nice
person, what kind of person are
they? It has nothing to do with their
sexuality.
Q
So does he believe that they ought to be free to be themselves,
without interference from police?
MR. FLEISCHER: The President has always said that when it
comes to legal
matters, that it's a question of
different groups, homosexual groups, gay groups
should not have special rights or
special privileges.
Q
Is it a special privilege to be able to love the person you love the
way you want to love them, without
interference from the police?
MR. FLEISCHER: If you're asking about a matter that is a
legal matter that
is pending before the Supreme Court,
that's a matter for the court to rule on,
and we'll find out what the court
says in the specific case in mind.
Q
So he has no position on that?
MR. FLEISCHER: It's a matter that's pending before the
court, in regard to
your last question.
Q
Ari, on weapons of mass destruction, so it
appears that the President
is also speculating about to what
extent weapons may have been destroyed before
the war started or as the war was
going on. What does the government know
about
whether weapons were spirited -- or
weapons materials were spirited out of the
country? And isn't that the very danger that the
President said was the reason
to go to war in the first place, was
that they could be given to outside actors
to potentially be used against the
United States?
MR. FLEISCHER: I don't think we know enough to do any hard
speculating
about what they did with those
weapons prior to it. What we do know is
what the
United Nations reported in the '90s
about the presence of -- the sheer number
of volume of weapons that they had
not accounted for, the botulin, the sarin,
the VX, et cetera. We know that they were, indeed, expert at
hiding it. And
they have a large country in which to
hide it. And again, this will be now
part
of what's an increasingly growing
operation to assess what they have, where it
is.
And I can only repeat what the President said in the interview with
Brokaw,
he has every confidence it will be
found.
Q
It's obvious how this administration felt about containment versus
regime change by now. But isn't the very danger -- I
mean, we saw this with
the Soviet Union, too, the fear that
weapons materials or actual weapons get
dispersed as the regime falls. Certainly the regime in place was a terrible
thing, but isn't this a very real
concern? And won't the ultimate success
of
the military operation be judged on
whether or not those weapons or weapons
materials were able to be contained
within Iraq's borders?
MR. FLEISCHER: Well, you're still watching events
unfold. And these are
events where the President has no
doubts about the conclusion of how it will
unfold. Always keep in mind that we are now winding
down the combat operation,
the combat phase of it. As it is winding down, other phases begin,
and these
are now the more involved search for
weapons and the more involved conversations
with Iraqis who hold the keys to
where some of these weapons may be.
That's
consistent with everything you know
that we have said previously about the
inspectors needing to talk to the
scientists outside the country.
Q But what I'm getting at is that Americans
around the country, as the
President speaks -- and
he makes it very clear that one thing is clear that
Saddam Hussein is out of power;
certainly an achievement. But isn't the
conclusion of this war or the success
or failure of this operation contingent
upon whether he has been disarmed and
whether we have kept illegal arms and
weapons materials out of the hands of
others?
MR. FLEISCHER: Well, I think the American people will form
their judgments
about whether it was a successful
military operation or not, and that will be
ongoing. They will reach these judgments --
they've reached them a week ago,
they'll reach them over time, they'll
continue to reach and they'll continue to
evaluate them, depending on what new
information surfaces.
As you watch events in Iraq,
certainly every day new information surfaces.
The capture of Tariq Aziz, for
example, was new information that just surfaced.
So that will be a continuing flow of
information, including WMD new information
as it arrives. It is a lengthy process. And I remind you, that some of the
nation's best reporters who are some
of the best expert in this exact field are
embedded in some of the units that
are doing the searching who have reported,
with their own eyes and ears some
fascinating details about the process and what
this process is finding.
So you're watching a story unfold,
and I can only assure you, at the end of
the story the President has every
confidence it will be exactly as described, a
process that leads to the discovery
of the WMD. What we have seen so far is
evidence they may have dispersed
some, may have destroyed some. But,
again, to
bring it around, you can't destroy
something you don't have. And the
evidence
suggesting that they, indeed,
destroyed some on the eve of the war is proof that
the President was right that they had
it. We're fortunate if they destroyed
it,
because that means they didn't
use. They certainly could have made a
very
different decision because they did
have it. It could have been used.
Mercifully, it was not.
Q
Can you just expand on some of that evidence?
MR. FLEISCHER: Jacobo?
Q
Ari, two
questions, please. Do you see any
progress in the fight of
the United States to get the United
Nations to lift all sanctions on Iraq?
MR. FLEISCHER: I make no predictions, particularly when it
comes to
potential United Nations votes. But when it comes to the substance of the
matter at hand, the President
believes it is the right thing to do. I
think
that he is --
other nations who see it that way.
We'll see what different
nations think. But clearly, given the fact that the Saddam
Hussein regime is
gone, the regime against which
sanctions were imposed, there is no longer, in
the President's judgment, any good reason
for sanctions to be maintained on the
Iraqi people. He hopes the United Nations will vote and
agree.
Q
Next
question, the capture of Tariq Aziz.
How important is it to the
search you're referring to, weapons
of mass destruction, the whereabouts of
Saddam Hussein, maybe tracking some
of the financial operations of the Iraqi
government?
MR. FLEISCHER: With each of the individuals who was captured
or he turns
himself in, they, of course, will be
talked to by the relevant experts in the
military and other agencies who will
try to learn what they know. I'm not
going
to go person-by- person and talk
about what it is they may or may not be saying.
But suffice it to say, with every
day, with every capture, we continue to learn
more from the people who were inside
the regime. But we'll see what they
ultimately say. We don't know everything they're going to say
yet.
Q
Once
sanctions are lifted, does the U.S. envision a situation in which
the coalition would then have the
right to sell Iraqi oil and put it into escrow
for Iraqi development until the
government came along?
MR. FLEISCHER: Well, I think it depends on the legal issues
that still
have to be worked through. I think it depends on the timing of which the
oil in
Iraq is developed to the point that
it could be exported. As you know right
now, the small amounts of oil that
surprisingly have been developed this early
after the conflict are being used for
internal Iraqi purposes. So there is no
exporting issue. So it really depends on some of the
mechanical issues about
how fast the fields flow, the timing
of when it may or may not be exported, the
actions of the United Nations. But the bottom line remains the same, and
that
is the wealth generated from the sale
of oil belongs to the Iraqi people.
Q
On North
Korea, what does the U.S. make of North Korean threats to
either demonstrate, test, or export
nuclear weapons? The President and other
officials are referring to it as
blackmail. Blackmail for what?
MR. FLEISCHER: Well, let me back up, and I will come back to
it, but I
want to emphasize that during these
talks, we made clear to the North Koreans
our policy, which is the policy of
our allies in the region, that North Korea
must verifiably and irreversibly
dismantle their nuclear weapon program.
This
is the goal of our allies. This is the stated policy of China, which
played a
very productive role in these talks
and a very helpful role through the act of
participation of the Chinese
government.
Secretary Kelly, who led the talks from
the State Department, is now
traveling to the region, Seoul and
Tokyo, to consult with our allies. He
will
then return to the capitals and we
will have additional discussions about what
was heard there.
The North Korean way of dialogue is
often to engage in as bad a behavior as
they could possibly engage in, with
the expectation that the world will reward
them for ceasing their bad
behavior. That has been their previous
actions. And
the President has made clear that the
United States will not reward bad
behavior.
So we'll analyze what North Korea is
doing, what North Korea is saying.
And the President continues to
believe that this can be a matter that will be
solved through diplomacy. And I think it will also be very interesting
to note
what China's reaction is to North
Korea's admission that it has nuclear weapons.
Q
Is this seen as an effort to extort the U.S., to try to pressure the
U.S. into having bilateral meetings?
MR. FLEISCHER: North Korea understands the United States
position is that
there will be multilateral meetings,
and there will be multilateral meetings.
That is the agreed-upon
approach. I'm not going to try to
attempt to guess
North Korea's motives for some of the
things they do or say. That's an
impossible mission. North Korea has a -- I
think the diplomatic way to put it
is, North Korea has a very
complicated approach to diplomacy.
Q
But the threat to sort of brandish their nuclear weapons, did that
make it more or less likely that the
U.S. would perhaps sit down in bilateral
talks with the North Koreans?
MR. FLEISCHER: Well, I think the real issue is, what impact
does their
overt statement that they have
nuclear weapons have on China, which has said
publicly that they support a
denuclearized Korean Peninsula; what impact does it
have on their neighbor across the
border in South Korea, and on Japan. Our
position is well-known. I think their positions are well-known, as
well, and it
reinforces our positions.
Q
Ari, more and more Iraqi leaders are coming into U.S. hands, military
and civilians. Are we treating them differently based on
their status, that is,
whether they're civilians or
military? What U.S. personnel are
dealing with
them, and who makes the decisions on
their fate?
MR. FLEISCHER: Well, it's all handled through CENTCOM, and
it's all
handled in accordance with the
procedures that are outlined in the conduct of
war.
They're all treated with dignity, they're all treated humanely, and that
is the way America's Armed Forces
always treat anybody who comes into their
hands. And any more specifics, you would have to ask
CENTCOM.
Q
Ari, you're mentioning bad behavior by the North Koreans. Isn't that
kind of an understatement? This country is now claiming it is a nuclear
power,
it has nuclear weapons, it has
reprocessed 8,000 nuclear fuel rods into
weapons-grade plutonium, could make
several nuclear bombs, according to the
nuclear experts. It has three-stage rockets that could be shot
at the West
Coast of the United States. How much more dangerous is this situation?
MR. FLEISCHER: Well, a couple of points. One, on the facts of it, we have
always said, and it's been public,
that North Korea has probably had one or two
nuclear weapons. So, in that sense, it's not anything
new. On the
reprocessing, I'm not certain that's
accurate, that the North Koreans said what
you attributed to them, or even as
accurate that that's anything they may have
done.
So, on the facts, we can limit to
North Korea's statement about possessing
nuclear weapons, which is something
that's known. And that's why these talks
are important. That's why the real affront came when North
Korea abandoned its
word that it gave to the world and to
the United States, as part of the agreed
framework in the late '90s, and we
are now dealing with the reality of that.
And the way the President is dealing
with that reality is through the relentless
pursuit of multilateralism, because
this is, indeed, a matter of diplomacy for
the allies, and it will be
ongoing. And China has played a very important
role
here.
Q
How much do these latest revelations intensify or raise the danger,
raise the temperature?
MR. FLEISCHER: Well, I'm not sure that their --
again, when you look at
the history of how North Korea likes
to negotiate, I'm hesitant to draw any
conclusions from any of the immediate
statements that North Korea makes about
intentions, or possibilities of
things that they may or may not do with things
they may or may not have even have
done.
Q
If I can turn it -- continue
on the question of negotiations with
North Korea, given that the President
has labeled their actions as blackmail,
given your descriptions of their
behavior here and now, is there any prospect of
continued negotiation without any
steps by North Korea to show some good faith
in dealing with this, whether
bilaterally, or with the Chinese, or any other
--
MR. FLEISCHER: Well, this is been why Secretary Kelly is
going to consult
with our allies in Japan and in South
Korea, and then return to the United
States for discussion of precisely
what comes next. But what will come next
in
the broad category is diplomacy. The President has said, and he continues to
believe, even having watched what
took place this week, that the solution to
this will be achieved through diplomacy. And diplomacy is a process. It takes
time.
Even an issue that is as serious as North Korea having nuclear weapons,
it is an issue that takes time to
deal with.
Q
So you're leaving open the possibility of further negotiation?
MR. FLEISCHER: Well, again, we engaged in preliminary
discussions with
North Korea about this; they
understand our position. And the
Secretary will
return home and we'll see what
precisely the next course of action will be.
Q
On Iraq,
there's been a lot of resistance from the Shiite groups to
participating in planning for an
Iraqi national authority, an interim authority.
Can that authority have legitimacy if
the Shiites don't participate broadly in
it?
MR. FLEISCHER: Well, I think there has been some statements
made by some
in the Shia community that are not
reflective of all in the Shia community.
The
interim authority that is being
assembled from within Iraq will be an authority
that is going to be broad and
inclusive, that will include the Shia groups.
I think General Garner talked
yesterday about the timing for the creation
of it, and we, indeed, remain
confident that it will be created just along the
lines that we always said, broadly
representative of all Iraqi people, including
the Shia community. There may be some in the Shia community who
have other
thoughts about it, and that's the way
democracies operate.
Q
Ari, two things. Some are
questioning the wrong regime was attacked,
or hostilities against the wrong
regime, when you have North Korea who has
nuclear capability that can come
here, nuclear capability that is sold to rogue
states and possibly terrorist
organizations. Many want to know what's
worse,
nuclear weapons or WMD?
MR. FLEISCHER: I think the real issue here is how do you
deal with
threats. And because you deal with a threat through
military action in one
region in the world does not
automatically mean you must deal with it the same
way in a different part of the
world. The outcome is what is desirable,
and
that's where the President's focus
on, is removing the threat. The
President
came to the judgment, after 12 years
of watching Iraq defy the world, that
military was the only option to
remove the threat in Iraq. In North
Korea, he
believes that diplomacy is the best
option to remove the threat of North Korea
having these weapons. And that's why we've pursued diplomacy for
their
dismantlement.
Q
But isn't North Korea more of a direct threat to the United States
versus Iraq?
MR. FLEISCHER: I don't know how to differentiate between
threats of
weapons of mass destruction in the
hands of people -- in the case of Iraq --
who might use them, versus in the
hands of North Koreans, who we are pursuing
through diplomacy, and also I remind
you, through the development of missile
defense. For the critics of missile defense, this
announcement by North Korea
is an important reminder of why
missile defense is an important part of our
strategy to defend our country.
Q
And second
question, piggy-backing off of what Terry was asking.
President Bush denounced what Trent
Lott said. Why not denounce what
Santorum
has said?
MR. FLEISCHER: Well, because I think the President views
this exactly as
I've indicated all week, that there
is a legal matter pending before the Supreme
Court, and that different individuals
are going to offer legal theories about
this matter. And that puts it in a different category.
Q
But Ari, on January 15th, Dr. King's birthday, the President delivered
an amicus brief for the University of
Michigan, saying he was against their
points policy for admission. Why not get involved in this situation?
MR. FLEISCHER: Actually, because the matters are not
analogous. One
involved federal programs,
admissions, that the federal government is directly
involved in. This is a matter clearly applying to a state
law.
Q
Does he denounce Santorum's comments, though?
MR. FLEISCHER: The President views it exactly as I've
indicated. This is
a question of a legal matter before
the courts. And different people have
different legal theories.
Q
Ari, can I
ask you about next week's travel, Monday. What is
--
first the speech Monday, and the
roundtable with Arab Americans,and also the
trip to California. What does the President want to say in those
places, first
to Arab Americans then to returning
Navy personnel?
MR. FLEISCHER: On Monday, the President will travel to
Dearborn, Michigan,
where he will meet with a group of
Arab Americans, including Iraqi Americans, to
talk about his vision, which is an
optimistic vision of a liberated Iraq, and
how Iraq can live in peace with its
neighbors and become representative of an
Islamic democracy.
Later in the week, the President is
going to travel to San Diego,
California, and he will depart from
San Diego to board an aircraft carrier that
is returning from combat missions in
the Gulf, to welcome home America's sailors
who served and the Marines who served
our country. The President looks forward
to the visit. He knows that the families will be waiting
closely behind. And
the President looks forward to being
at sea to welcome these brave Americans
home, and he looks forward then to
them pulling into port so they can be
reunited with their families.
Q
The
remarks that he's going to make there, is that the place where
we're likely to get a declaration of
victory and the end of the war?
MR. FLEISCHER: Well, I'm not going to speculate this far in
advance about
what the President's remarks will
be. We'll try to have more
information. He
has several speeches next week. He will be making remarks aboard the Lincoln
when he is there next week. We'll fill you in a little closer to it about
what
they'll be.
Q
Can you at least say -- I know we've gone over this to a certain
extent before, but remind us, the
conditions under which the President would be
prepared to make such a declaration,
that the war is over?
MR. FLEISCHER: The President has said that he will be guided
by the
reports that he receives from his
commanders, principally General Franks.
He
has not received that final report
from General Franks yet. And at the
appropriate time, when the President
is ready, the President will have more
thoughts to share with the nation
about the mission, what was accomplished in
the mission, that the combat phase of
the operation has come to a conclusion,
and that a new phase, the
reconstruction of freedom, is beginning.
Q
Ari, you
said you're not going to go person-by-person through which
Iraqi officials know what about
Iraq's WMD. But is it fair to say that
we now
have in custody enough high-ranking
Iraqi officials to get the information that
we need on the whereabouts of these
weapons?
MR. FLEISCHER: I think the President said it best in his
interview with
Tom Brokaw when the President said
that as a result of the people we're talking
to, the information we have, we are
continuing to find out more, and it will
ultimately lead to the discovery of
Iraq's WMD. So it's --
Q
So you have everything you need, right
--
MR. FLEISCHER: It continues to be a process. And we will continue to work
through the process.
Q
Can you also say -- why can't you tell us about this evidence
that
weapons were destroyed? I mean, the regime is no longer there, so you
can't
really say it's a security threat.
MR. FLEISCHER: Well, it's exactly as the President said,
that they could
have destroyed, they could have
dispersed. There are continuing tests
that are
underway to evaluate all the
information, to have it in its entirety.
And
that's why the President said it.
Q
He said there was evidence. Why
can't you tell us what evidence?
MR. FLEISCHER: Because there are tests still underway. Those tests are
being evaluated and we are still
going to wait for final and firm conclusions
about all of it. But much of this, as I said, is you have
embedded reporters
who are present who are also giving
you very similar reporting.
Q
So it's not definite, it's speculation?
MR. FLEISCHER: Quote the President's words. The President said, they
could have destroyed, they could have
dispersed. That's how the President said
it.
Q
Ari,
following up on Mark's question. At this
point, what help will
the President ask Iraqi Americans for
with regard to reconstruction in Iraq?
MR. FLEISCHER: Well, I think one of the most encouraging
signs you see
about an Iraq -- the
future of Iraq is the fact that the Iraqi community in
the United States and in many other
countries want to contribute to the future
of the country from which they fled
or in which they were born. And that's a
hopeful sign. If there is a situation on the ground where
Iraq had been
liberated, but Iraqis around the
world wanted to play no role in the future of
that government, that would be a very
troublesome sign, because there would be a
lack of confidence in events on the
ground.
I think the President is going to
express his thanks to these people for
being brave, for standing up to
Saddam Hussein here in the United States, for
speaking out on behalf of freedom and
liberty. And he will encourage them to
do
everything they can to make the
future of Iraq a strong and free and prosperous
and democratic future.
Q
And
related follow-up with regard to Dick's question. One of the
biggest criticisms that you hear from
the elements in the Shia community was the
Pentagon's decision to airlift Mr.
Chalabi and his forces into the country.
At
this point, does the White House feel
that perhaps an unnecessary advantage was
given by that move?
MR. FLEISCHER: No, I think
-- you know, there were four
leaders that are
recognized that we've been working
with for a considerable period of time
-- a
number of years, actually -- and
if you look at legislation passed by a
Congress, signed by a Democratic
President, it actually provided the statutory
support for the Iraqi National
Congress.
So this is a matter of American
policy, signed by a Democratic President.
And we've been working with these
groups of people and other groups of people
who want to contribute to a new and
free Iraq. And we're pleased to have
people
like Mr. Chalabi and many others, who
have returned to Iraq to help their
homeland.
Q
Ari, if you talk to Arab Americans in Detroit and elsewhere, they're
happy to talk about the war, but
that's not necessarily the driving issue for a
lot of them. They're concerned still about what they see
as civil rights
violations on Arab Americans --
MR. FLEISCHER: The economy.
Q
The economy, certainly, but also Middle East peace process.
MR. FLEISCHER: Correct.
Q
Do you
expect those things to come up on Monday?
MR. FLEISCHER: Very well may. The President is going to have a
roundtable, he's going to have a
discussion with them. And so the press
will be
there on Monday, and we'll get a
report. We'll see what they want to talk
about. Any number of those topics could come
up. Peace in the Middle East is a
topic the President wants to come
up. He wants to talk about our plans
there.
Q
Ari,
you expressed the opinion that North Korea has probably had a
couple of nuclear weapons for many
years. In any framework that's going to
be
arrived at with the North Koreans, is
the President willing to accept the fact
that North Korea, from this point on,
may be a nuclear power, or is implicit in
any framework we agree on going to
have to be the destruction of any weapons
that they already have?
MR. FLEISCHER: We see this the same way China does, which is
the
importance of having a denuclearized
Korean Peninsula.
Q
The removal of weapons including the ones already built?
MR. FLEISCHER: That's what denuclearized means.
Q
How quickly will we see the road map after
the cabinet is confirmed?
MR. FLEISCHER: We are still two steps to go for the
Palestinians to take
in terms of ratifying the agreement
that Abu Mazen has reached with Yasser
Arafat on the selection of the cabinet
officials, and I think it won't be much
time at all after those steps are
taken that the road map will be produced.
The
President would like to move forward
and have the parties work toward peace
there.
Q
Ari, how
willing would the President be to sign an HIV-AIDS bill that
may or may not include some of the
amendments that social conservatives are very
interested in?
MR. FLEISCHER: Well, the President -- and
there will be an event here at
the White House next week to talk
about the importance of Congress passing the
President's initiative to provide
unparalleled amounts of funding to help people
in Africa fight AIDS. The treatment, care, and prevention of AIDS
everywhere,
in the United States and in Africa,
is a priority for this President.
We're pleased that the House is
moving quickly on the legislation. We
will
work closely with the Congress on the
exact language of the legislation. We
want to make sure that the President
has the flexibility and the authority to
implement the program the way it was
outlined, which is based on the successful
Ugandan model.
Q
Does an emphasis on abstinence and
fidelity -- something that the
President has stressed --
does that need to be included in the bill in some
form for White House approval?
MR. FLEISCHER: Well, again, the Ugandan model is, I think,
the key to look
for.
This is the flexibility that allows for different approaches, but it
focuses on fighting AIDS, delivering
money so AIDS -- the terrible, terrible
plague that has beset the nations of
Africa -- can be fought with this new
initiative that the President has
launched. That's the President's focus,
is
fighting AIDS in Africa, and doing it
effectively. That's where his focus will
remain.
Q
Ari, those ads from the club for growth that are equating opposition
to the tax cuts to opposition to
France, to the war, does the President consider
that helpful, or would he prefer that
they be pulled?
MR. FLEISCHER: You know, I'm not going to wage, get into
every different
group's ads against anybody in our
political electoral system. I think
you're
going to be able anticipate all kinds
of groups putting all kinds of ads on the
air.
They are not necessarily reflective of what the President thinks, the
President's approach.
The President is going to work,
continue to work with each of the senators,
as proud Americans who he wants to
work with to convince based on the need to
help the economy and create jobs,
that they should vote for a big tax cut of at
least $550 billion.
Q
Also, apparently, the -- this, on a different subject, the Air Force
Academy expected the President,
apparently, to come give the commencement speech
this year. Is that not accurate?
MR. FLEISCHER: You know, I'm not sure.
Q
What I heard is he was going, and now he's not going, and I was
wondering why.
MR. FLEISCHER: No, unfortunately, I spend some portion of my
day, every
day, knocking down things that were
just not happening. So I don't have
anything for you on that. I know many groups invite the President, of
course,
to speak, and he's not able to accept
every offer he receives to speak.
Q
Two questions today, if I might.
Scott Peterson has been arrested in
connection with the death of his
pregnant wife, Laci. He's been charged
with
two murders, one of his wife and the
other of his unborn son, Connor. Do you
think that's appropriate?
MR. FLEISCHER: This is a tragic case. And it's a very interesting one in
the question that you raise
specifically. The President does believe
that when
an unborn child is injured or killed
during the commission of a crime of
violence, the law should recognize
what most people immediately recognize, and
that is that such a crime has two
victims. In the case specifically, I'm
not
going to make any comment; that is
legal matter pending before a state. But
if
you recall, the House of
Representatives passed the Unborn Victims of Violence
Act, and it passed overwhelmingly,
with large bipartisan support. We hope
that
the Congress again this year -- the
President calls on the House and calls on
the Senate to again pass the Unborn
Victims of Violence Act, so that the law can
recognize what every mother and
father know in their heart when an unborn child
is taken through an act of violence,
in the commission of a crime, just as we've
seen in this case here.
Q
Thank
you. My next question, you've declined
to comment on Santorum's
statements that the Senator says were
misconstrued. Some have suggested that
the real story here is that the
Associated Press reporter conducting the
interview is the wife of John Kerry's
campaign manager. How would you respond
to that?
MR. FLEISCHER: I'm not going to respond to that. I'm aware of those
reports and I don't know how to
evaluate them.
Q
Once
on the ground in San Diego, will the President be meeting with
any local politicians and/or local
citizen groups before he goes to the carrier?
MR. FLEISCHER: The event is Thursday; we'll work with you to
get you all
the details and specifics as it gets
closer. But right now, as I understand,
the event is an arrival in San Diego,
an immediate departure for the ship.
Q
And after he leaves the ship, he will be going where?
MR. FLEISCHER: Santa Clara, California.
Q
To?
MR. FLEISCHER: He'll give a speech in Santa Clara on national
security and
economic security.
Q
Ari, both Senator Frist and Senator Specter have publicly supported
Senator Santorum. And my question: Does the President believe they were wrong
to do so, because while governor of
Texas he ever tried to get that state's
sodomy law repealed?
MR. FLEISCHER: As I said this morning, Lester, the President
has
confidence in Senator Santorum, both
as a senator, as a member of the Senate
leadership.
Jesus.
Q
Wait a minute, I have one follow-up.
MR. FLEISCHER: Go ahead.
Q
The Culture and Family Institute
--
MR. FLEISCHER: But calm down. (Laughter.)
Q
I will. Thank you. The Culture and Family Institute estimates
that
30 to 40 percent of Americans are
evangelical Christians, and these, plus loyal
Catholics and conservative and
orthodox Jews comprise a large portion of the
Republican base, which so narrowly
elected the President. Robert Knight of
this
institute says that the President's
refusal to support Senator Santorum, "looks
like a suicide move." Is your statement just now a refutation, in
that he is
supporting --
MR. FLEISCHER: I can't refute something that was asked me
after I made my
statement. I made my statement, and I would just say
this, when it comes to
faith
--
Q
So he does support Santorum.
MR. FLEISCHER: No, no, no, I want to say this -- you
raised a question
whose premise deals with faith. Faith is an important part of life for many
Americans, regardless of their party,
regardless how one party or another has
different people of different
faiths. It's one of the things that
makes America
one country, regardless of what party
people fall into. And the reaction I
gave
is based on the President's views as
a governmental matter, and that's he
approaches it.
Q
Ari, a question. A person in Mexico has just announced that
President
Fox and President Bush talk about
monetary unity in North America. It is
true?
MR. FLEISCHER: I'm not aware of any recent conversation
between President
Bush and President Fox, if you're referring
to something recent. Of course,
when they meet, they always do talk
about working together for North America.
Q
But it makes sense for the U.S. to have monetary unity with Mexico?
MR. FLEISCHER: Monetary unity?
Q
Yes.
MR. FLEISCHER: Let me take a look and study the statement,
because I'm not
familiar with it beyond that.
Q
And when we're going to hear the President talk about the immigration
reform again?
MR. FLEISCHER: I think that we'll work --
continue to work with Congress
on the initiatives that are pending
there. 245I still is an important matter
to
this President, and we will continue
to work to try to make as much progress as
possible on the immigration issues.
Q
Moving
back to this evidence that you were talking about, you said
that you have evidence, or there is
evidence that Iraq may have destroyed
weapons of mass destruction on the
eve of the war. Are you willing to go so
far
as to say you have evidence that they
did destroy?
MR. FLEISCHER: You've got the President's words. I can't go beyond what
the President said. You know what the President said; he said it
very publicly.
Q
-- may have destroyed weapons of
mass destruction.
MR. FLEISCHER: Those were the President's words.
Q
Right, so you can't elaborate --
MR. FLEISCHER: -- a
"may" or a "could"
--
Q
So you can't elaborate on what the evidence is, what you believe it is
that they destroyed, where they
destroyed it?
MR. FLEISCHER: I leave it just as the President did.
Q
Thank you.
MR. FLEISCHER: Thank you.
And before we leave, I just want to make one
statement. Today is the last day for -- and
there's always a risk at a press
secretary ever saying anything about
a reporter -- but I do want to say today
is the last day of Ron Fournier
covering the White House as the Associated Press
reporter. He'll be going on to cover other events. And I just do want to say
that it's been a real pride and honor
for me to work with a professional like
Ron Fournier. And I will always wish him and his family
well in all their
future endeavors. So, thank you.
Q
So you really do like working with the press?
MR. FLEISCHER: Especially you, April.
Q
Yes, right. (Laughter.)
Q
Thank you.
END 1:00 P.M. EDT