For Immediate Release
Office of the Vice President
February 22, 2007
Vice President's Remarks to the Australian-American Leadership Dialogue
Shangri-La Hotel
Sydney, Australia
9:35 A.M. (Local)
THE VICE PRESIDENT: Good morning, and thank you for the warm welcome,
and for letting me spend some time with you today. It's good to be
here. I started out this trip in Washington on Monday, been in Tokyo
since then, and stopped in Guam, as well, before arriving here late last
night. It was a short night, but I'm delighted to begin the day in such
fine company.
This is a wonderful country, and Sydney is one of the world's great
cities. I've been fortunate to visit many times over the years, and
I've been looking forward especially to this return visit. I'm
especially pleased to be able to have the opportunity to spend some time
with an old friend, your Prime Minister, John Howard.
I always recall -- looking down out of the hotel on Sydney Harbor this
morning -- the events 15 years ago when we marked the 50th anniversary
of the Coral Sea Battle, and I came down as Secretary of Defense and
brought an aircraft carrier battle group with me. The Independence was
docked here in the harbor for some time. As I recall, we sent the
various ships with the Independence, married them up with Australian
vessels and then visited ports all around the continent. The sailors
had a very good time. (Laughter.) They still reminisce about it.
I'm delighted to see my old friend Kim Beazley here this morning, as
well, too. We shared some time together as defense secretaries in years
past.
Let me thank Ambassador Robert McCallum for his introduction. As Robert
noted, I did serve in the U.S. Congress from Wyoming. I was elected six
times. I always like to tell the story about that last campaign, you
know after you've served 10 years, you're running the sixth time for
office, you've been on television, name has been in the newspapers, you
assume everybody knows who you are, but you never wanted to take a vote
for granted. And my last campaign, I always remember walking down the
street in a small town, wanting to shake all the hands of the folks
there. I walk up to one old cowboy with a cowboy hat pulled down over
his eyes, and reached out and grabbed him by the hand, said, hi, I'm
Dick Cheney. I'm running for Congress. I'd like your vote.
He said, you got it; that fool we got in there now is no damn good.
(Laughter.)
I understand that here in Australia, you also have a place called
Wyoming a little north of here, and I'll bet they know how to keep their
politicians humble, too.
Your country and mine are filled with people who speak plainly and
honestly. And surely that's one of the reasons we're natural friends.
When Americans think of Australia, we think of a place with a pioneering
spirit much like our own. We think of a country that shares our
founding commitments to liberty and to equality, and to our traditions
of justice and tolerance. We think, above all, of the character of the
Australian people -- self-reliant, practical, and good-hearted.
President Ronald Reagan stated the case very well. He said, Australia
and America "see the world from similar perspectives, though no two
countries could be more opposite on the ends of the globe... we were
born in the same era, sprang from the same stock, and live for the same
ideals. Australia and America share an affinity that reaches to our
souls."
Over time, that deep affinity has grown into a great alliance. Together
we've confronted common dangers. We've given generously to the relief
of suffering from famine, disease, and natural disaster. We've defended
democratic ideals; worked for regional stability and security; and added
to the prosperity for both our countries. Yet the United States and
Australia do not take each other for granted.
This alliance is strong because we want it to be, and because we work at
it, and because we respect each other as equals. That's the spirit of
the Australian-American Leadership Dialogue -- and I thank the men and
women of this organization for your tremendous contributions to the good
of our alliance.
In this year 2007, our two countries are enjoying wealth and prosperity
on an unprecedented scale. This did not come about by chance. It
results from the energy and effort of millions -- and from common sense,
pro-growth policies on the parts of our governments. By rewarding
enterprise and encouraging risk-takers, we have turned loose the
productive genius of our peoples. And they have responded with new
inventions, more small businesses, and many new jobs. Americans and
Australians believe in free enterprise because we have seen its good
effect on our own countries, and on our own lives. And we've shown a
watching world that the best way to ensure long-term prosperity is to
preserve individual freedom.
Our two countries provide another kind of example, as well. In the
words of Prime Minister Howard, we have "demonstrated to the world that
values based on freedom and individual liberty in the end win
acceptance. But they only win acceptance if behind the commitment is a
determination . . . to defend those values, if necessary fight for them,
and always to be ready to repel those who would seek to take those
freedoms away."
John Howard spoke those words on September 10th, 2001, on a visit to the
city of Washington. He stuck to those words one day later -- and he has
stuck to them every day since. Prime Minister Howard and the nation he
serves have never wavered in the war on terror. The United States
appreciates it -- and the whole world respects you for it.
The business of our alliance goes forward, and it begins with the
fundamental duty to protect our people from danger. Having stood
together in every major conflict of the last 100 years, the U.S. and
Australia now stand together in the decisive struggle against terrorism.
We've learned many lessons since September 11th, 2001. We have learned
that threats can gather across oceans and continents and find us at
home. The notion that free countries can turn our backs on what happens
in places like Afghanistan, Iraq, or any other possible safe haven for
terrorists is an option that we simply cannot indulge.
The evil that appeared on 9/11 has returned many times since. And we
have learned that terrorist attacks -- whether in New York, or London,
or Madrid, or Casablanca, or Jakarta, or Bali -- are not merely criminal
acts by tiny bands of men. Instead, they represent a movement that is
global in scope, that formed over a period of decades, and that is
determined to sow chaos and destruction within civilized countries.
We have learned the nature of the enemy's beliefs, and the extent of his
ambitions. The terrorists have adopted the pretense of an aggrieved
party, claiming to speak for the powerless against modern imperialists.
The fact is they're at war with practically every liberal ideal -- and
in their vision, everyone would be powerless except them. Their
ideology rejects tolerance and denies freedom of conscience. They would
condemn women to servitude, gays to death, minority religions to
persecution. An ideology so violent, so hateful, can take hold only by
force or intimidation, and so those who refuse to bow to the tyrants
face brutalization or murder -- and no person or group, not even fellow
Muslims, is exempt.
And it is they, the terrorists, who have ambitions of empire. Their
goal in the broader Middle East is to seize control of a country, so
they have a base from which they can launch attacks against governments
that refuse to meet their demands. Their ultimate aim -- and one they
boldly proclaim -- is to establish a caliphate covering a region from
Spain, across North Africa, through the Middle East and South Asia, all
the way to Indonesia. And it wouldn't stop there.
Their creed is narrow and backward-looking -- yet their methods are
modern and sophisticated. The terrorists use the Internet to spread
propaganda and to find new recruits, and they're employing every other
tool of communication and finance to carry out their plans. They have
proclaimed, as well, the goal of arming themselves with chemical,
biological, or nuclear weapons. So armed, they would attempt to impose
their will by mass murder and blackmail -- and no argument, no principle
of moral law, and no appeal to reason or mercy could be expected to stop
them.
Nor, indeed, does self-preservation even concern them. The terrorists
value death in the same way you and I value life. Civilized, decent
societies will never fully understand the kind of mind set that drives
men to strap on bombs, or fly airplanes into buildings -- all for the
purpose of killing unsuspecting men, women, and children who they have
never met, and who have done them no wrong. But that is the very kind
of blind, prideful hatred we're up against.
As Prime Minister Tony Blair has pointed out, these enemies believe they
have two paramount strategic advantages: terror and time. They believe
we lack the resolve and the courage for a long struggle. And they are
absolutely convinced that with enough acts of horror, they can wear us
down, force us to change our policies, and get us to abandon our
interests in the world. Because free societies are open and tolerant,
because we respect every life and mourn every loss, the terrorists have
concluded that we are decadent in spirit, weak in character, and
conquerable.
We've never had a fight like this, and it's not a fight we can win using
the strategies from other wars. An enemy that operates in the shadows,
and views the entire world as a battlefield, is not one that can be
contained or deterred. An enemy with fantasies of martyrdom is not
going to sit down at a table for peaceful negotiations. The only option
for our security and survival is to go on the offensive -- face the
threat directly, patiently, and systematically, until the enemy is
destroyed. (Applause.)
The war on terror is more than a contest of arms, and more than a test
of will. It is a battle of ideas. We now know to a certainty that when
people across the Middle East are denied all freedom, and left to the
mercy of fanatical tyrants and false prophets, that is a direct
strategic concern of free nations everywhere. By taking the side of
moderates, reformers, and advocates for democracy; by providing an
alternative to hateful ideologies; we improve the chances for a lasting
peace, and we advance our own security interests.
In the last two years, we have seen hopeful changes, as men and women
showed their desire to live in freedom. And we have seen the enemy's
fierce reaction. In 2005, the people of Lebanon proclaimed their Cedar
Revolution and chose new leaders. That same year, the people of
Afghanistan elected a parliament. And in Iraq, citizens voted in three
national elections -- turning out in the millions, defying killers and
car-bombers, and electing a government that serves under the most
progressive constitution in the Arab world.
In 2006, freedom's enemies struck back with new tactics and greater
fury. In Lebanon, terrorists sowed regional conflict and worked to
undermine that country's government. In Afghanistan, Taliban and al
Qaeda fighters waged new offensives against Afghan and NATO forces. In
Iraq, Sunni and Shia extremists engaged in an escalating sectarian
struggle that continues to this day.
Free nations must face up to all of these challenges with realism, and
with resolve -- and we are doing so. In Iraq our goal remains a
democratic nation that upholds the rule of law, respects the rights of
its people, provides them with security, and is an ally in the war on
terror. But for this to happen, Baghdad must be secured. So we're
pursuing a new strategy that brings in reinforcements to help Iraqi
forces secure the capital, so that nation can move forward and the
political process can turn toward reconciliation.
We are determined to prevail in Iraq because we understand the
consequences of failure. If our coalition withdrew before Iraqis could
defend themselves, radical factions would battle for dominance of the
country. The violence would likely spread throughout the country, and
be difficult to contain. Having tasted victory in Iraq, jihadists would
look for new missions. Many would head for Afghanistan to fight
alongside the Taliban. Others would set out for capitals across the
Middle East, spreading more sorrow and discord as they eliminate
dissenters and work to undermine moderate governments. Still others
would find their targets and victims in other countries on other
continents. Such chaos and mounting danger does not have to occur. It
is, however, the enemy's objective. And for the sake of our own
long-term security, we have a duty to stand in their way.
There is still a great deal of work to be done -- not just in Iraq, but
in Afghanistan and other fronts in the war on terror. And very
fortunately, ladies and gentlemen, the nations of our coalition are
defended by some of the bravest men and women our societies have ever
produced. From my own experiences as Vice President, and previously as
Secretary of Defense, I have only grown in admiration for the skill and
the toughness of the Australian Defense Force. From engineers to SAS,
from aircrew to logisticians, from infantry to armor, mechanics to
medics -- Australian Defense personnel are not afraid of work that is
difficult, pressing, and often dangerous. And they have a right -- of
getting the job done right.
Later today I'm going to meet with some members of the Australian
military. My purpose is simply to thank them and their comrades for
extraordinary service in a time of testing. Americans know that for
this country, "standing by your mate when he's in a fight" are more than
words in a song, and they signify a way of life. Having Australia's
friendship makes my country very grateful and very proud.
As leading democracies, Australia and the United States feel a deep
sense of responsibility for security and peace in our world. The
cooperation between our governments has risen to a new level, with
stronger ties of defense and counterterrorism, and much broader
cooperation on intelligence and information sharing. We're working
closely on the Joint Strike Fighter and on Ballistic Missile Defense.
Together with other nations, we founded the Proliferation Security
Initiative, with the urgent business of keeping nuclear technology out
of irresponsible hands.
To this end, the six-party process has produced agreement on specific
actions that will bring us closer to a Korean Peninsula free of nuclear
weapons. We go into this deal with our eyes open. In light of North
Korea's missile tests last July, its nuclear test in October, and its
record of proliferation and human rights abuses, the regime in Pyongyang
has much to prove. Yet this agreement represents a first hopeful step
towards a better future for the North Korean people.
China has played an especially important role in the six-party process,
because the Chinese understand that a nuclear North Korea would be a
threat to their own security. We hope China will join us in our efforts
to prevent the deployment and the proliferation of deadly technologies,
whether in Asia or in the Middle East. Other actions by the Chinese
government send a different message.
Last month's anti-satellite test, and China's continued fast-paced
military buildup are less constructive and are not consistent with
China's stated goal of a "peaceful rise." For our part, the United
States and Australia have the same hopes for the future of China -- that
its people will enjoy greater freedom and prosperity; that its
government will be a force for stability and peace in this region.
In this neighborhood of the globe, millions look to our countries to
promote security, economic progress, and democratic ideals. As
President Bush said when he spoke to your Parliament, America will
continue a forward presence in Asia, and continue our close partnership
with Australia. And we'll help to build a better world through our
strong and continuing friendship with Japan.
Earlier this week in Tokyo, Prime Minister Abe and I reaffirmed the
commitment of both our nations to the trilateral security structure with
Australia. I hope Prime Minister Howard feels the same way, and will
underscore that commitment on his visit to Japan next month. The
growing closeness among our three countries sends an unmistakable
message -- that we are united in the cause of peace and freedom across
the region.
Success for our countries, and for our principles, depends on our
willingness to act where action is required. Australia has shown that
willingness throughout this area. You've provided military and civilian
authorities to help maintain peace and stability in East Timor, the
Solomon Islands, Tonga, Fiji, and Papua New Guinea. Your government has
provided critical leadership on counterterrorism in Indonesia, the
Philippines and other lands. And Australia's contribution to security
and good governance in the Pacific island countries is principled; it's
effective and it's indispensable.
Australia has been equally effective in promoting free market values.
The free-trade agreement between our countries, now in its third year,
is creating jobs on both sides -- and it's a model of the kind of
integration that can lift up economies across the region and beyond.
Australian leadership brought about the first gathering of APEC nations
nearly two decades ago. The APEC Summit returns here this year, and I
know President Bush looks forward to the journey. Every step we take to
promote economic development and free market ideals will add not just to
our prosperity, but to the safety of the environment, and the health of
our world, and to the long-term security of us all.
Vigorous, growing economies generate the technologies and the means to
fight hunger and disease, and to provide better stewardship of the land
and the life around us. Vigorous, growing economies offer upward
mobility, and give people the hope of a better life for themselves and
for their children. And everywhere those hopes are realized, men and
women will turn their creative gifts to the pursuit of peace, and
ideologies of resentment and violence will lose their appeal.
Ladies and gentlemen, our two countries have great objectives before us,
and our alliance is as important now as it has ever been. One of
America's great historians, David McCullough, has noted that "among the
most difficult and important concepts to convey in teaching or writing
history is the simple fact that things never had to turn out as they
did. Events past were never on a track. Nothing was foreordained any
more then than now."
Whether in Battle of Hamel in 1918, or 65 years ago in the Coral Sea,
Americans and Australians were not mere witnesses to the unfolding of
events. They were acting -- bravely, decisively, and together -- to
turn events toward victory. And so much of the life we know today is a
credit to the decisions and the actions of those who came before.
Our generation, here and now, is also writing history. Present events
are not on a track. In the war on terror, one side will win and the
other will lose. Civilization will continue its upward course, or go in
different direction.
It can be sobering to take stock of all the serious work that needs
doing; to realize all the duties that fall to us in a perilous time.
Yet it's no reason to be afraid. Rather, it's a reason to be confident.
We are not hostages to fortune. Our forbears were not the sort to be
intimidated, or worn down by adversaries -- and neither are we. Today,
as before, Australians and Americans are people of determination, of
moral courage, and decency. We are strong countries that have
sacrificed greatly for peace and freedom at home and on distant shores.
Our purposes in this world are good and right.
So we have made our decision. Once again, we choose to face challenges
squarely. And once again, we go forward -- as allies, as
comrades-in-arms, and, above all, as friends.
Thank you. (Applause.)
END 9:58 A.M. (Local)
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