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For Immediate Release
Office of the Press Secretary
March 5, 2003
Press Briefing by Ari Fleischer
The James S. Brady Briefing Room
12:21 P.M. EST
MR. FLEISCHER: Good afternoon. The President began today with a
breakfast with the congressional bipartisan leadership of the House and
Senate Democrat and Republican leaders to talk about a variety of
international issues. Then he had an intelligence briefing, followed
by an FBI briefing. Then there was a meeting of the National Security
Council. The President is having lunch with the Vice President now.
Later this afternoon he will meet with the Papal Envoy, Cardinal Pio
Laghi. And after that, he will meet the United Nations High
Commissioner for Human Rights.
I want to make one statement. The President condemns in the
strongest terms today's attack on innocents in Israel. The President
stands strongly with the people of Israel in fighting terrorism. His
message to the terrorists is their efforts will not be successful. He
will continue to pursue the path to peace in the Middle East and he
urges all to condemn today's attack.
Mark.
Q Ari, just so we can be clear. The statement that came out of
Paris this morning sure looked definitive when you read it. Are you
insisting that this is not a veto threat by these countries?
MR. FLEISCHER: Well, I'm pointing out that as the ongoing process
of diplomacy continues, you can learn a lot about the future by looking
at the past. And we have seen similar statements made in the past by
various officials, and I think the one day we'll know for certain where
nations stand is when it comes time to raise hands and vote in the
United Nations.
Q These -- two of these countries have veto power and they
have said they will not allow a resolution to pass that authorizes
force. Do you doubt their word?
MR. FLEISCHER: Well, again, they continued on in that statement as
they said that, as members of the Permanent Security Council, we will
fully assume responsibilities. Last October, President Chirac said,
France is a member of the Security Council and a permanent member will
assume its responsibilities. Actually, the same language in that
sentence. My point is, I think it's not accurate to leap to any
conclusions about how these nations will actually vote when it comes
down to it and when the members of the Security Council have to raise
their hands and be counted.
Q But when you told us President Bush was confident of the
outcome --
MR. FLEISCHER: That's correct.
Q -- what you meant was that you were confident that these
nations will allow this resolution to pass?
MR. FLEISCHER: The President continues to be confident in the
ultimate outcome. He certainly hopes that no nation will use its
veto.
And let's spend a minute talking about exactly what would be
vetoed. Because the resolution -- if it does get vetoed -- if the
resolution that is pending before the United Nations Security Council
reiterates everything that passed unanimously in Resolution 1441, and
then it adds this sentence -- the Security Council decides that Iraq
has failed to take the final opportunity afforded to it in Resolution
1441 -- what is the substantive matter there that would be vetoable?
That's the question, and this is the responsibilities that are on all
15 members of the Security Council when they decide what course of
action to take, whether they would object to that sentence, or not.
Q So are these empty threats? Is this posturing so that these
nations can cover their own concerns?
MR. FLEISCHER: I characterize it no other way than I did, which is
that people shouldn't leap to conclusions about what the final outcome
will be. You've seen diplomacy before, you've seen a variety of
statements before, and you know there's one day when we will all find
out what the outcome is. That day has not yet arrived.
Q When do you think it will come?
MR. FLEISCHER: The President has not made a determination about
that. The first step will be to listen to Mr. Blix's report on Friday,
and then following that, an assessment will be made about what the
exact time will be to proceed with the vote.
Q Ari, since there is an atmosphere of the imminence of war in
this White House, and since we have no direct access to the President,
will you state for the record, for the historical record, why he wants
to bomb Iraqi people?
MR. FLEISCHER: Helen, I dispute the premise of your question,
first of all. There's regular -- there's regular access to the
President. The President is asked questions all the time. And when
the President --
Q He hasn't had a press conference for months.
MR. FLEISCHER: And when 14 of your colleagues spend 36 minutes
asking scores of questions to the President just two days ago --
Q Well, that's not a news conference.
MR. FLEISCHER: -- they asked the President a similar question,
although they phrased it a little differently than you did. They asked
the President why does he feel so strongly about the need to use force,
if it comes to that, to disarm Saddam Hussein. And the answer from the
President was that, given the fact that the world changed on September
11th, the threat to the American people was brought immediately to our
home and to our shores and to our families, the President thinks it is
in the interest of peace to make certain that Saddam Hussein does not
have weapons of mass destruction which he can use against us, either by
transferring them to terrorists or using them himself.
Q There is no imminent threat.
MR. FLEISCHER: This is where -- Helen, if you were President you
might view things differently. But you have your judgment and the
President has others.
Q Why doesn't he prove it? Why don't you lay it out? When
have they threatened in the last 12 years?
MR. FLEISCHER: They have attacked their neighbors. They have
gassed their own people.
Q Twelve years ago.
MR. FLEISCHER: They have launched attacks.
Q With our support.
MR. FLEISCHER: And September 11th showed the United States is
vulnerable to those who would attack us. And one of the best ways to
protect the homeland is to go after the threats abroad.
Q You haven't linked terrorism to Saddam Hussein, in terms of
9/11.
MR. FLEISCHER: It's not -- the threat is what took place on
9/11. You don't have to make a direct linkage between Saddam Hussein
and 9/11 to know that others who are planning can try to do it again,
Saddam Hussein included.
Q It sounds as if you're saying about Russia, France and
Germany, that when they say, we will not allow the passage of a planned
resolution which would authorize the use of force, they're lying.
MR. FLEISCHER: No, I'm saying exactly what I've said. I urge you
not to leap to any conclusions about what the final outcome of the vote
will be.
Q What is the conclusion to be drawn about the meaning of the
words, the plain meaning of the words that they uttered today, that
they don't mean them?
MR. FLEISCHER: If you think the story is written and done, then I
can't change your interpretation of it. But I'm suggesting to you that
you might want to think twice before you leap to final conclusions.
There's a lot of diplomacy going on involving many different people in
many different countries. And you have not heard the final word from
any nation.
Q Okay, quickly, the meeting with General Franks this morning,
can you tell us a little bit about that, what was that aimed at?
MR. FLEISCHER: This was a meeting of the National Security Council
to discuss a variety of military matters that are pending, and I really
can't go into it anywhere beyond that.
Q Senator Daschle said that the President, in their meeting
this morning, discussed timetables on Iraq. Can you tell us what the
President has for a timetable, whether he has a date certain for making
a decision, what other components might be part of that?
MR. FLEISCHER: Well, the timetable is, one, to listen to what Mr.
Blix reports; two, to make a determination about the timing to proceed
at the United Nations Security Council on when the vote will take
place. And beyond that, it would just be speculation about any other
timetables that come into play. The one timetable that the President
identified that remains operative is when on January 30th he said,
weeks, not months.
Q The timetable issue, is it -- not asking you to give us the
timetable, but is it something that he is discussing with leading
members of Congress, to prepare them for whatever the plan may be?
MR. FLEISCHER: I don't believe the President got into any specific
level.
Q Going back to the veto question. If they're saying they
would not support or allow a resolution to come to a vote that
authorized force, would it be an option that you are looking at to
parse the wording of the resolution in a way that left open a sort of
more vague wording that they --
MR. FLEISCHER: I think that's a very interesting question to put
to the ministers. The language of the resolution that has been offered
by the United States at the Security Council reads, decides that Iraq
has failed to take the final opportunity afforded to it -- in
Resolution 1441. Resolution 1441 warned that Iraq had to fully and
immediately comply without conditions and without restrictions. It was
its final opportunity to comply, and if it did not comply -- and this
is binding on Iraq -- that Iraq would have to face serious
consequences as a result of continued violations. That's 1441.
And then the language before the U.N. now say: decides that Iraq
has failed to take the final opportunity afforded to it in Resolution
1441. That's the language. It's hard to imagine an objection to that
language. And I don't speak for those other nations, but I reiterate,
the President is confident in the ultimate outcome of this. Secretary
Powell, just as recently as yesterday, said he's increasingly
optimistic about the outcome of this. And there you have it.
Q Does the administration believe that that language authorizes
the use of force?
MR. FLEISCHER: It enforces Resolution 1441, which says, there will
be serious consequences if Iraq fails to disarm.
Q Ari, who at the White House has been in touch with the
French, the Germans, the Russians this morning? You made a reference
to a lot of diplomacy going on and you're implying that there is
something going on behind the scenes that's not apparent from this --
MR. FLEISCHER: I think you can be assured that every day, through
a variety of means, people are talking to different nations around the
world -- whether it's at the United Nations, on the ambassadorial
level at the United Nations; at the State Department, through the
embassies around the world, including in these countries; or whether
it's occasional phone calls from people higher up in government. All
of the above can be happening on any given day.
Q But you can't tell us specifically this morning or today or
--
MR. FLEISCHER: I report to you on the President's conversations.
You know, as well as I do, that there are spokespeople for the other
agencies who keep track of all their various people. I don't; I don't
keep track of every individual at the State Department.
Q And one last try. Do you see this as an attempt at a
compromise with these nations? Are you trying to forge a compromise to
accept a --
MR. FLEISCHER: I think this is part and parcel of ongoing
diplomacy. And I don't think this should come as a surprise to
people. Last fall, when you covered the debate leading up to 1441,
many reported that there are threats of veto from France, from Russia
and from China; little signs of movement in the French position. "In a
statement that some interpret as a veto threat, President Chirac said
that he would push for a resolution in line with the interests of the
region as we see them. If it did not succeed, President Chirac
continued, 'France is a member of the Security Council, and as a
permanent member, will assume its responsibilities." So what you see
is part and parcel of ongoing diplomacy.
Now, one other point about what you have seen in the past on
resolutions, which clearly indicate that the United States and some of
the other nations in the Security Council don't always see it
eye-to-eye, but it doesn't always lead to a veto. We are where we are
today, with the role of the inspectors in Iraq, and the fact that
UNMOVIC was created to inspect Iraq and has been sent in for the
purposes of inspecting Iraq's compliance. The U.N. resolution that
created UNMOVIC was 1284, which was adopted on December 17th, 1999. It
was adopted with only 11 votes in favor of it. Four countries
abstained; two of those countries are France and Russia. They
abstained on even the creation of UNMOVIC. They did not support the
creation of UNMOVIC.
Resolution 1134, which passed on October 23rd, 1997, found that
Iraq was in flagrant violation of previous resolutions and condemned
their cooperation with the special commission the United Nations had
set up, and it demanded immediate, unconditional, and unrestricted
access to any and all areas, facilities, equipment, records, and means
of transportation within the mandate of the special commission. That
passed with ten votes in favor, and France and Russia abstained. They
did not support the condemnation of Iraq, nor did they support
demanding immediate, unconditional, unrestricted access to any and all
facilities.
There's a history of France and Russia not seeing this eye-to-eye
with the United States. You are seeing that continue to varying
degrees. I urge you not to leap to the conclusion that this is
determinative matter that a veto will follow. This is part and parcel
of diplomacy. This is based on previous actions that led to
abstentions by France and Russia in the past, where, as I indicated
-- it's notable -- France and Russia abstained on the creation of
the inspectors themselves.
Q So you expect abstentions?
MR. FLEISCHER: I don't predict what other nations will do. I
simply say the President remains confident in the outcome.
Q Ari, as far as war is concerned, the President is under
pressure from many people not to go to war because of millions will be
homeless, millions will be jobless, and thousands may die. Last year,
if you remember, India and Pakistan were on the brink of war -- but
the President was the one who persuaded them not to go to war, in which
they did not. So how is the President taking this one, advice from
around the globe?
MR. FLEISCHER: How is the President pursuing this one, meaning --
Q -- advice -- is he taking any advice or --
MR. FLEISCHER: You're comparing the situation in Iraq and the
situation between India and Pakistan?
Q Yes, but this is the President who persuaded those nations
not to go to war. They listened to him. But now, as the world is
telling him not to go war --
MR. FLEISCHER: Vis-a-vis Iraq --
Q -- how that he is doing, not to go to war?
MR. FLEISCHER: The difference is Resolution 1441. The difference
is that the nations around the world joined together after the
President went to New York and they called on Iraq. And again, when
you talk about the vote that is coming up at the United Nations, it's
important to go to the substance of what they are voting on. What they
are voting on is enforcing 1441. I can only keep saying it; 1441
called on Iraq to fully and immediately comply. It did not say
partially comply, and it did not say slowly comply. It said fully and
immediately -- without conditions, without restrictions.
As we've seen, there are umpteen conditions Iraq keeps inventing
and putting on the inspectors; umpteen restrictions, including bugging
the inspectors, they keep imposing. They said it's the final
opportunity to comply with its disarmament obligation. Final
opportunity. It didn't say penultimate. It didn't say third last
chance. It said final. It said it's binding on Iraq. It didn't say
it's for discussion or negotiation; it said binding. And finally, it
said Iraq would face serious consequences as a result of continued
violations. As we all know, they have continued to violate. And so
the resolution pending before it is very simple and straightforward and
it simply states, 1441 shall be enforced and Iraq shall -- had its
last chance to comply. That's different from the situation with
Pakistan and India.
Q We understand there was a meeting today in the Situation Room
between the President, Secretary Rumsfeld, General Franks. Could you
tell us what the upshot of that was? Was there discussion of an
ultimatum? And secondly, in view of the attack in Israel today, is
there not a rising concern that there could be more such militant
attacks as we edge toward war?
MR. FLEISCHER: Number one, the question was previously about the
meeting. And I've answered as best I can, we don't discuss National
Security Council meetings and what happened. I indicated General
Franks was there and they discussed military plans. On the second
point --
Q Ultimatum?
MR. FLEISCHER: I don't discuss what takes place in National
Security Council meetings. And don't take that to mean that was or was
not discussed; it's just a policy, we don't discuss it.
On the situation in Israel, even prior to any discussions of
anything happening vis-a-vis Iraq there were suicide bombings. And the
President condemned those. The fact of the matter is this is the first
suicide bombing in some two months, and in the last two months you've
seen a steady buildup toward the potential for the use of force in
Iraq. So I think there's no basis to make any connection between
events.
Q Ari, on the ongoing diplomacy on the part of this
administration and perhaps by the President, any new tactics,
strategies, new arguments, or is it pretty much the same old stuff
we've heard for two years?
MR. FLEISCHER: Well, I keep reporting to you the phone calls the
President makes, and the State Department reports out the phone calls
that President (Secretary) Powell has and the various meetings that
take place. And this is really being pursued as a matter of deep and
important substance, and as a diplomatic matter. And it's a debate
worth having. And that's why the President created this process and is
going and talking to our friends and allies about this 18th resolution,
or second resolution at the United Nations.
I've described to you an ample number of times today the substance
about what has been voted on unanimously and what this follow-on
resolution calls for. And the discussions really focus on the need to
disarm Saddam Hussein; this is what this comes down to.
Q So, really, nothing new?
MR. FLEISCHER: Well, it's ongoing diplomacy. And the same
question could have been asked, how come we were successful last fall
when everybody thought that somebody would veto the resolution last
fall. And I previously read to you similar statements in 1990,
interestingly enough, when the United Nations considered the resolution
after the invasion of Kuwait; there were similar warnings of potential
veto threats, all of which did not materialize.
Q But we compromised.
Q You said the NSC meeting today was to discuss a variety of
military matters that are pending, a phrase that would seem to be eight
months pregnant with meaning. (Laughter.) Was the same thing
discussed with the congressional leaders?
MR. FLEISCHER: I'm trying to do the math. When does eight months
go back to? (Laughter.) And are you suggesting there will be a baby
born in one month? (Laughter.)
Q Perhaps less than a month. Was the same general set of
issues discussed with congressional leaders?
MR. FLEISCHER: I just don't go into the specifics of anything
that's discussed in National Security Council meetings.
Q No, no, no, I'm not talking about NSC, I'm talking about the
congressional leaders.
MR. FLEISCHER: The congressional leaders meeting focused much more
broadly than the National Security Council meeting. Their meeting
talked about a variety of issues around the world. I can talk to you
-- they talked about the capture of Khalid Sheik Mohammed and what
that meant in the success in the war on terror. They discussed other
issues internationally. So it's more a broader meeting.
Q You've indicated -- one more thing, if I could. You've
indicated repeatedly the President was likely to give a speech before
any military action --
MR. FLEISCHER: That's correct.
Q -- if, in fact, it comes to that. Would you expect in that
speech for it to be much like it was with the Taliban in Afghanistan,
that he would give the Iraqi leader one last chance to do something
before any move to military action?
MR. FLEISCHER: I'm not prepared to speculate about what the topic
of a speech not given could be. There are several events that would be
intervening if the President makes a decision to use force between now
and then, in any case. So I will not speculate.
Q There are some who argue that members, undecided members of
the Security Council could be moved if, in fact, the U.S. did make
assurances that there would be some kind of deadline set. Is that at
all being considered by the White House, particularly in light of the
fact that it might bring some of the undecided votes along?
MR. FLEISCHER: Well, I've read to you the language of the
resolution that is pending. And we always consult, we always talk to
our allies. We have not said to anybody that everything is in stone,
but I'm not aware of anything that would lead one to that conclusion
that you've raised, Jean.
Q I don't think that the suggestion is that there would be an
amendment to the resolution, but that it would be an assertion from the
White House. Is that being considered at all?
MR. FLEISCHER: Again, I'm just not going to speculate on anything
that may or may not happen down the road. I just can't accurately do
that.
Q But you're not ruling it out?
MR. FLEISCHER: I just can't accurately tell you what may or may
not happen down the road in every step.
Q Is it significant to the White House that the leaders of
France and Germany and Russia did not use the word "veto"?
MR. FLEISCHER: Well, again, I think it's important to analyze
their words precisely and carefully, to analyze the words of the United
Nations resolutions precisely and carefully, and not to leap to
conclusions about the ultimate outcome.
Q Is the United States now resigned to seeing North Korea
develop a nuclear arsenal?
MR. FLEISCHER: No. The position of the United States, along with
our allies in the region, is just the opposite, that it's important to
make certain that there is a denuclearized Peninsula. And that's why
we're working so hard on this, and why we have called directly and
publicly for North Korea to dismantle its nuclear programs.
Q Would a North Korean move to begin reprocessing of fuel at
that now restarted reactor -- would that constitute a red line to the
United States?
MR. FLEISCHER: I am not in a position to discuss what is a red
line. But, obviously, what is important here is for North Korea to
recognize the damage it is doing to itself, the economic harm that it
brings on its own people, who are among the poorest and the most
isolated and the most hungry in the world, as a result of a country
that diverts its few resources away from the people and toward the
military.
And what's important is that they dismantle the program, that they
not engage in further provocative or reckless actions. Certainly, any
additional steps that would lead someone to conclude that they were,
indeed, determined to proceed all the way to produce nuclear weapons,
that action would be seen in the context I just described it.
Q If they did take that step, how would that change the
strategic situation in the region? Would it put additional pressure,
for example, on the Chinese or the Russians to react?
MR. FLEISCHER: Well, clearly, much is riding, much is on the line
for China and Russia in what North Korea does. They do not want to see
a nuclear-armed North Korea. It is not in their interests. And the
more help that is brought to this matter by China and Russia, the
stronger the diplomacy will be to convince North Korea not to proceed.
The region, as a whole, is concerned as a result of what North Korea
has done.
Q Ari, given the problematic situation in the Security Council
and the months that have been consumed now by going through the process
there, does the President in any way regret his decision to work
through the U.N. on this?
MR. FLEISCHER: No. No. The President went into this knowing how
the United Nations works and how slow the United Nations can be, but
how important the United Nations is. And in the many conversations the
President has had with our European allies and others, he recognizes
that there is an important role for the United Nations to play.
He only hopes that the United Nations will play that role. He
hopes that the United Nations will not have passed a resolution that
said, "full and immediate," only to indicate it didn't mean either
"full" or "immediate." He hopes the United Nations did not pass a
resolution that said "without conditions or restrictions," only to find
out what they really meant was full of conditions and full of
restrictions. He hopes they didn't pass a resolution that said "final
opportunity" only to be a resolution that said one of many
opportunities. He hopes the United Nations understood the seriousness
with which they passed 1441.
And I think everybody, when they passed 1441, recognized the
consequences. As you've said, there's been a certain time to this
buildup. When they voted, they were keenly aware of the buildup. They
were keenly aware of how serious the President was about preventing
Saddam Hussein from using the weapons he has to attack the rest of us.
They understood the context when they voted on it. This is a test of
whether they meant it.
Q Given all that, is he not frustrated by what's going on now?
MR. FLEISCHER: As I said, the President -- I think the best way
to understand the President's point of view is, he created this process
in the first place by asking the United Nations to get involved. And
he's pleased they have gotten involved. He hopes they will play a
productive role. But whether they agree or disagree, the President is
determined to protect peace by making certain that one way or another,
Saddam Hussein is disarmed.
Q Ari, two things: Back on North Korea, White House officials
had equated the actions of North Korea early as being a child having a
temper tantrum. Has it gone beyond that? Or are they still just
trying to, as an official said, turn their plate over and throw it on
the ground?
MR. FLEISCHER: Well, the point of someone who would indicate that
I think is what we have seen from North Korea's behavior in the past,
which is where they engage in provocative or reckless behavior knowing
that in the past, when they have done it, they have received an
economic reward for doing so. And the President believes that it's
time for a regional approach and a diplomatic approach that suggests to
North Korea, that says to North Korea that any such actions will not be
rewarded.
Q So it's more than just a temper tantrum now?
MR. FLEISCHER: These are serious actions that North Korea has
taken.
Q Okay. And also, the Situation Room is not used often. Now
that it's being used -- well, it's not used on a daily basis.
MR. FLEISCHER: Sure it is.
Q All right, well --
MR. FLEISCHER: Go ahead.
Q The fact that the Situation Room has been used for military
matters to come, is this signifying the final stages of the timetable?
MR. FLEISCHER: No, the timetable is being driven by Saddam
Hussein's refusal to disarm, and just as the President said some time
ago, it's a matter of weeks, not months. But, no, point of fact, the
Situation Room is regularly used, daily used.
Q But in a time like this when you get everybody together on
this kind of matter?
MR. FLEISCHER: There have been many similar meetings of the same
group in there for months.
Q Ari, you correctly note that the French are using language
now similar to language that they used last fall prior to the first
vote -- vote on Resolution 1441. But the circumstances are obviously
different now. Back then, there was the hope that Saddam would
comply. We've had continued assertions from the White House that he
hasn't, and clear signals that the buildup to war is progressing. And
that the circumstances then, in terms of this debate, are a little bit
different. There's not much room to roam now for anybody on the
Security Council. So given that, aren't -- isn't the language, isn't
the possible message being sent by the French and others who are
reluctant perhaps a little stronger and a little different? To that
end, is a goal of the diplomacy now simply to get as many votes as you
can and make sure to avoid a veto?
I have a second question.
MR. FLEISCHER: -- of course, yes. The goal is to get as many
votes as we can. The goal is to get nine votes or more and not have a
veto.
Q Back when this whole process began, the President decided to
go the U.N. route last fall. Did he expect at the time that it would
prove so difficult to build consensus within the Security Council and
the world at large? Has he been surprised by the reluctance of --
MR. FLEISCHER: Frankly, no. Well, keep in mind, again, what I
just reported to you, that on October 23, 1997, France and Russia
abstained on demanding the immediate, unconditional, unrestricted
access to all areas,
and that France and Russia abstained in 1999 on the creation of
UNMOVIC and the inspectors themselves. So the President went into this
knowing that not everybody sees the issue the same way because
historically they have not. The President is determined to go into
this and to end this in a way that is respectful of our allies. No
matter what position they take, we will continue to have important
relations with them beyond any decisions that are made.
And so the President understood perfectly, he's referenced it often
that this is the process of the United Nations. And it's a process
that he made the call to bring the United Nations front and center in
this matter. And at the same time that he says that, he expresses his
confidence in the ultimate outcome of it. And as I've said before, I
think we will all know what the ultimate outcome is the day the vote it
taken.
Q On a related point, opposition from governments is one thing,
and certainly, there were past examples of possible problems here like
what we've seen. But has he been surprised by the level of opposition
among citizens of nations around the world, the huge protests that
we've seen? Did that come as any surprise to him?
MR. FLEISCHER: No, I think the President's addressed that several
times before. And one way to look at these large protests is,
previously in his presidency he was greeted when he traveled by
hundreds of thousands in the street who protested his position as being
a free trader. He has seen large protests before. When he went to
Bucharest, he saw hundreds of thousands in the street who came to
welcome him. And so, he has seen people take to the streets, both pro
and con, before. In all cases, he respects those who exercise their
democratic rights, and he'll do what he thinks is right to protect the
country.
Q Yes, Ari, how long is the meeting scheduled with the Papal
envoy, with Cardinal Laghi?
MR. FLEISCHER: That meeting is scheduled for half an hour.
Q Next question, the Cardinal is bringing a message from the
Pope, I understand, a letter. Is the President going to analyze this
letter and then answer the Pope in the future? Or will he hold a
discussion with Cardinal Laghi?
MR. FLEISCHER: I think what you'll see is, one, the President
welcomes the visit of the Papal Emissary. He thinks it's very
important to receive and to greet the Pope's envoy. The President
looks forward to hearing what he has to say, and the President looks
forward to discussing this matter, because the President has some
thoughts to share about the morality and the legality of using force to
protect the peace. And so that's the context which the meeting will
take place.
Q Will you see it?
Q I have a second question for Ari. Tomorrow, it seems to be
the vote will take place in the Senate on the -- I don't know if it's
the cloture, or to measure the strength of both sides on the Miguel
Estrada nomination. Is the President going to hold fast to this
nomination?
MR. FLEISCHER: Indeed, he will. The President continues to view
this as a vital matter of making certain that the federal courts have
judges who can sit in the chairs and hear the cases. The President
hopes that the Senate will not make a judicial emergency with the
number of vacancies even worse by failing to take action on a very
qualified nominee, Miguel Estrada.
The President views this as an issue where -- what's really
happening in the Senate with this vote, is the liberal wing of the
Democrat Party is flexing its muscles, to the discomfort of the few
remaining moderates in the Democrat Party in the Senate. And the
President very much hopes that the Senate will listen to reason, will
not engage in unprecedented filibuster. No one has ever successfully
previously filibustered a circuit court nominee. The President hopes
this will not become a first or a precedent.
Q Why is the President not willing to talk to the press when
meeting Cardinal Laghi? And, second question, would the two men pray
together?
MR. FLEISCHER: I'll give you a report following the meeting. So,
whatever takes place, I'll try to let you know at that time.
Go ahead.
Q You've described North Korea's actions as serious. In the
President's mind, have they reached a crisis level yet, as has been
suggested by some lawmakers?
MR. FLEISCHER: Given the fact that the President's approach to
this is, the best answer remains regional diplomacy, the President
views this as a diplomatic matter. The President said that all options
are on the table, but we will continue to pursue the diplomacy of
this. I think North Korea would like nothing more than to make this a
crisis because the more they can make this a crisis, the more they
think they will get things in return for defusing the crisis that they
themselves have spun up.
Q One other question on the French --
MR. FLEISCHER: We're going to keep moving around here.
Q Also on North Korea. Is it not a process because the area is
not as strategic and rich in oil as is Iraq? And also what does the
President see is the mission of the bombers in Guam?
MR. FLEISCHER: Number one, the issue is what North Korea is doing
having nothing to do with North Korea's resources. And on the mission,
these moves are -- the deployment of these additional forces is a
prudent measure to bolster our defensive posture as a deterrent.
Q -- in an attack?
MR. FLEISCHER: That's the purpose of the mission.
Go ahead.
Q Again, going back to the Security Council vote. You just
said that the goal of the United States is to get as many votes as you
can. Has the President expressed in any, way, shape or form his
frustration for countries like -- allies like Mexico, which has not
expressed to this point the way they will vote? Or is -- the
President has spoken with President Fox in the past few days today? Or
if there's any meeting scheduled for any time?
MR. FLEISCHER: The President spoke with President Fox from his
ranch in Texas some two weekends ago. And again, the President looks
at this as the ultimate outcome will be the day of the vote when member
states, at that time, for all the world to see, raise their hands and
state their positions.
Q Ari, yesterday he granted an interview, from what I
understand, to some U.S. newspapers. And there were a lot of
questions, I understand, about Mexico. And there's a big concern the
non-members of the Security Council to be, in some way, punished or get
repercussions from the United States for a war --
MR. FLEISCHER: No, the interview, which was given two days ago,
the President made clear that that is not the case, that that is not
the approach of the government.
Q Ari, on that issue, has in some way the friendship between
President Fox and Bush has changed since Mexico is supporting a
multilateral approach on the Iraqi situation? An American newspaper
reported a few days ago that there is a difference now between Bush and
Fox before Iraq and now, that it's changed.
MR. FLEISCHER: The United States is pursuing a multilateral
approach toward what is happening in Iraq, as well. So we both pursue
multilateral approaches. So I really don't think that's any type of
issue between the countries. And as far as their friendship, they
remain very close friends. There are a series of issues that the
President would have liked to have made much more progress on, that we
were heading toward progress before September 11th. And September 11th
has made it much harder to achieve a lot of the progress on the
immigration issues.
Q Ari, you have said in the past that every step will be taken
to protect innocent and civilian life in Iraq. During the first Gulf
War, the United States intentionally bombed water storage facilities
and sewage treatment plants. This led to the deaths of an estimated
half million civilian Iraqis from cholera, hepatitis, and typhoid. In
what sense is that protecting civilian and innocent life?
MR. FLEISCHER: Russell, in the event force is used, the United
States military takes particular care to make certain that the targets
of any attack are military targets. There can never be an absolute
guarantee in war, of course. But every care is taken by our military
to make certain that every target is a military target and a military
objective.
Q Then why did we intentionally bomb the water treatment
facilities?
MR. FLEISCHER: I don't know about your facts. I'm not certain of
what you're saying. And I didn't work here in 1991. You may want to
talk to the Pentagon about anything that took place then.
Q This is about Iraq. On Monday, the UK Telegraph reported the
murder of General Muhammad Sa'id al-Darraj, a senior missile engineer
in charge of Iraq's mobile Scud missile program, shortly after meeting
with Saddam's officials. Would you comment on that?
MR. FLEISCHER: That's the first I've heard about it. But one
thing is for certain with Saddam Hussein, he is brutal. When you talk
about human rights and killing Iraqis, you can look first to Saddam
Hussein as the world's worst human rights violator, one of the world's
worst human rights violators, who has killed his own people.
Today, for example, when the President meets with the Commissioner
on Human Rights, I anticipate one of the topics the President will
raise is the horrendous treatment of the Iraqi people, the repression
of the Iraqi people by Saddam Hussein, which includes killing those who
would have any disagreement with him.
Q Ari, it was reported in a French newspaper this week that
President Chirac has privately told colleagues that he had made up his
mind that Bush had made up his mind to go to war, and that he would not
want to use a veto and, therefore, the phrase he used was "shoot Bush
in the back." You've been very complimentary from the podium about
President Chirac being very candid with the President. Do you know if
President Chirac or any other representatives of France have privately
assured the President or the United States that that is the case, that
France would not use the veto?
MR. FLEISCHER: Well, in the event that anybody received an private
assurances, I'm sure you would not be asking me to make public anything
that was private.
Q Is that the reason why --
MR. FLEISCHER: The President has had an overall approach to this,
knowing what he knows and knowing the conversations that he's had with
the Presidents of nations, that he has a sense of confidence about the
ultimate outcome of this. But it would not be my place to speak for
any one leader.
Q Thank you. Ari, I know you have answered a lot of my
questions, but with the threat of the French or Russian veto, will the
President go forward with the second resolution anyway?
MR. FLEISCHER: I've addressed that many times, and once the Blix
report is over, it's received, we will make a determination about the
timing of it. But it's all systems go.
Q Ari, back to North Korea if I can, briefly. The Democrats
had a news conference on the Hill today, which they were sharply
critical of the administration. They said it is time for direct talks
with North Korea. And Tom Daschle said that the administration policy
strikes him as just basically playing for time. What's your reaction
to that?
MR. FLEISCHER: The administration approach is the importance of
working together in a multilateral fashion with China and Russia and
Japan and South Korea. After all, they have a stake in this, too. So
if somebody is suggesting that it's appropriate, given North Korea's
actions, to carve out Japan, China, Russia and South Korea, the White
House strongly disagrees and will pursue a multilateralist policy, not
a unilateralist one.
Q Ari, I didn't quite understand a couple references you made
earlier. You talked about how France made a number of statements
suggesting their position before a vote, which they ultimately gave
their assent. In that case, the reason the French did not veto or
abstain was because there was protracted number of weeks of
negotiations and some give-and-take on the language in the resolution.
Is that same process operable here?
MR. FLEISCHER: Well, two points on that. One is, what's the
objection to the language that's been offered? It's very simple and
clear language, to enforce Resolution 1441. But, two, we have never
suggested that the language is written in stone. We, of course,
consult.
Q Can I ask you to answer specifically the question from one of
our colleagues here? Why has the President decided not to take
questions with Cardinal Laghi, when apparently we're told Cardinal
Laghi specifically requested it? Why does he not want to do that?
MR. FLEISCHER: I have not heard that that -- Cardinal Laghi
specifically requested questions. I have no information on that.
Certainly if that's the case, the he will be available to talk to you
afterwards. And the President -- at my last count, the President has
met with the press in taking questions on 214 occasions. And the
President looks forward to having a private meeting with the Papal
Emissary.
THE PRESS: Thank you.
MR. FLEISCHER: Thank you.
END 1:00 P.M. EST
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