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For Immediate Release
Office of the Press Secretary
February 21, 2003
Press Gaggle with Ari Fleischer
Crawford, Texas
11:45 A.M. CST
MR. FLEISCHER: Good morning. Let's begin. And if somebody would
remind me at the end, I've got the week ahead. And I will not indicate
for whom, but I also have special birthday greetings for one member of
the press corps, which I will need no reminding of, but we'll get to
that.
The President began this morning with an early intelligence
briefing. Then he called the Emir of Kuwait and the Foreign Minister
of Kuwait, and the two of them discussed the importance of working
together concerning the threat that Saddam Hussein poses to the
region. The President also congratulated the Emir and the Foreign
Minister on the conclusion of the Hadj and wished them both well.
The President then taped his radio address, which we'll be
releasing later this evening. And then the President also, following
that, called United Nations Secretary General Kofi Annan. The
President talked to Kofi Annan about the situation in Cyprus, number
one, and reaffirmed his support for the Secretary General's mission in
Cyprus and the importance of reaching a resolution on Cyprus. And two,
the President expressed his continuing support for the United Nations
Security Council and stressed the importance of working with the United
Nations Security Council on the situation concerning Iraq.
The President also, following that, did go for a run. He found the
break in the rain and went running.
This evening, the President of Spain will arrive at 6:20 p.m. at
the ranch. We will have a photo release for you. And then this
evening is a social evening. There will be a very small group of
people at the ranch, at the President's home, for cocktails and a
social dinner. Tomorrow morning, the first meeting with the President
of Spain will begin at 10:00 a.m. As you know, there will be a press
availability at 11:30 a.m. and then a lunch at 12:15 p.m., prior to the
President's departure, the President of Spain's departure.
And that is my report for you and I'm happy to take your
questions. Tom.
Q Ari, is the White House optimistic about developments in
Turkey? The Foreign Minister said that there's a potential agreement
that's near. Is that the case from your point of view?
MR. FLEISCHER: The United States has noted the statements made by
Turkish officials. This is a serious matter and our good friend and
ally Turkey is taking it seriously. And we are continuing to talk to
Turkish officials, and we look forward to having more to say or more to
indicate at the appropriate time. We continue to talk with our good
friends.
Q Ari, people on the Hill, particularly in Hastert's office,
are saying that they're prepared to quickly move on any kind of aid
package that comes out of this. They see that as a sign of movement, a
sign of optimism on the part of the White House. Is that an accurate
reflection of where things stand?
MR. FLEISCHER: Well, when Turkish officials visited the United
States and met with President Bush, they also did spend time up on
Capitol Hill. And this is America's commitment, not just the Executive
Branch's commitment, to Turkey. And the legislature must and is
must be and is involved, and this is a sign of how much America values
our relationship with Turkey, how seriously we take that relationship
with Turkey. And we will continue to talk with Turkey and see where
this ultimately ends up.
Q Are they correct in interpreting this as a sign of movement
and a sign for optimism that a deal can be reached?
MR. FLEISCHER: Well, as I said, we have noted their statement.
The talks are continuing. Turkey is, indeed, a very good friend. And
Turkey has taken this matter with all the seriousness that it
deserves. It's important to note that Turkey is, of course, a
democracy. And Turkey is facing this matter as every good democracy
should, which is, a full discussion with the views of Turkish people in
mind, with the security situation of Turkey in mind, and the economy of
Turkey in mind. We always value the importance of working shoulder to
shoulder with democracies like Turkey.
Q When you said the President reaffirmed his support for the
U.N. Security Council, is that support conditional in the future on
their agreeing with the United States on the course of action in Iraq?
MR. FLEISCHER: This is a continuation of the policies that the
President put in place when, on September 12th, the President brought
the Security Council back into the situation with Iraq. The Security
Council took almost four years off, in terms of doing anything
meaningful about Iraq. And as a result of the President going to New
York and asking the Security Council to reenergize the world behind
taking meaningful action to disarm Saddam Hussein, the Security Council
has played a role now.
The President said to Kofi Annan this morning that the role the
Security Council plays is important and continues to be important. We
will ultimately find out what role the Security Council will indeed
place -- will play. The United States and allies will introduce next
week a resolution in the Security Council concerning Iraq. And the
Security Council continues to be tested to determine what role they
will play, exactly, but their role is important.
Q So you could potentially see a role for them even if they
don't endorse a resolution along the lines the United States is
seeking?
MR. FLEISCHER: Well, the President has said what is important is
that the word of the United Nations be honored. And the word of the
United Nations is that Saddam Hussein be disarmed. One way or another,
hopefully, with the United Nations Security Council, Saddam Hussein
will be disarmed.
Q Ari, has the language been finished on a resolution?
MR. FLEISCHER: The language continues to be discussed with
allies. I think you can anticipate that that will be a topic of
discussion with the President of Spain. And so it's too soon to say
what the language will be.
Q Did you mean to say just now that the United States and
Britain would introduce this resolution even if they knew in advance
that the votes were not there for passage?
MR. FLEISCHER: I have said clearly that the United States and our
allies will -- the resolution, working with the United States and their
allies, the resolution will be introduced next week. And that's a sign
again in the President's view that the United Nations Security Council
must enforce its own resolutions. If the United Nations Security
Council passes resolutions that says Iraq must disarm, Iraq cannot have
chemical weapons, Iraq cannot have biological weapons, and Iraq cannot
have missiles that exceed 150 kilometers, and the world sees that Iraq
indeed has weapons that exceed 150 kilometers, the world will expect
the United Nations to take meaningful action.
This remains, at its heart and soul, a test of the Security
Council. The President wants the Security Council to pass the test.
Q Ari, is the President in any way confident that the Security
Council would pass this resolution? Does he feel that France is
likely not to veto? And has he personally called the leaders of these
countries on the Security Council, including the temporary members, try
to get their votes?
MR. FLEISCHER: Well, this process is much like the process that
took place last fall. And that is to say that member states of the
Security Council offer draft language; the language gets debated and
ultimately gets put to a vote. And the President will exercise the
diplomatic will exercise the diplomatic responsibility of the United
States to talk to other nations, as he has been doing, about getting
their support for the resolution.
Q Would that include calling the leaders on the Security
Council, including --
MR. FLEISCHER: Of course.
Q Including the temporary countries?
MR. FLEISCHER: Of course. There are 15 votes; every vote is
important.
Q Is he expected to speak to all the members?
MR. FLEISCHER: Is he expected to --
Q Is he expected to speak to the leaders of all those
countries?
MR. FLEISCHER: We'll keep you posted on the phone calls the
President makes. And, of course, you can expect the Vice President,
the National Security Advisor, the Secretary of State also to make
phone calls, just as was done last November, and have meetings.
Q This will be an all-out effort -- is that right?
MR. FLEISCHER: Well, this is a very important moment for the
United Nations. Given the fact that Saddam Hussein is under an
obligation to disarm and he has not disarmed, in fact it is now known
by the United Nations that he has missiles in excess of 150 kilometers,
the United Nations is being tested every day. The question is, will
the United Nations respond?
The President will call leaders of the 15 nations that are part of
the Security Council to urge them to meet the test and to fulfill the
mandates of the United Nations, so that Iraq indeed disarms.
Q Two very quick scheduling questions, and then a substantive
question. Secretary Powell had said that he expected to hear from the
Turkish government by the end of yesterday. Was that your
understanding as well?
MR. FLEISCHER: Oh, we continue to hear from the Turkish
government. The Turkish government has been in regular contact with
us. This is being handled principally out of the embassy in Turkey and
reporting to the Secretary of State, and so we continue to get reports
and updates from the Turkish government. Indeed, yesterday we received
them, as well.
Q The wires are reporting that the resolution will be offered
on Monday. You've been saying next week. What is your understanding
of that?
MR. FLEISCHER: Next week includes Monday. But I'm not going to
give a precise date. It could be any day next week.
Q Okay. And my one substantive question is, the President has
made it clear that if the United Nations does not enforce its
resolutions with regard to Iraqi disarmament, the United States will
lead a coalition of the willing to do so. As a matter of legality,
should that come to pass -- and it's a hypothetical the President has
entertained, so you can feel free to do so, as well -- would he be --
would his enforcement of that resolution as a legal matter be something
the United States is undertaking to enforce the United Nations
resolution as a United Nations matter, or would we be enforcing U.S.
policy, vis a vis regime change?
MR. FLEISCHER: Well, I think it would be both. The United States
would be acting to fulfill the mandate of the United Nations Security
Council that Saddam Hussein must disarm, and we would be doing so with
a rather substantial coalition that agrees.
And -- let me put this in reverse. Imagine a world in which the
United Nations says that Iraq must disarm, but then a United Nations
that won't do anything about it. Imagine a world in which the heart of
international law and order is not kept or obeyed. Imagine a world in
which the United Nations Security Council says our mission is to simply
buy more time and take no action. That's a world that will lead to
increased proliferation, because proliferators will see the United
Nations Security Council as an organization that passes resolutions
without the intent of enforcing them.
Q Wouldn't your imagined scenario also conjure the following, the converse
for Congress of what you just said, which is that individual countries
and member nations of the United Nations could start unilaterally
enforcing U.N. mandates, where the U.N. may even on a vote on the
record say, we don't want it enforced or enforced this way? Isn't that
also a possibility?
MR. FLEISCHER: There's a bottom line to this. The bottom line, as
described by the United Nations, is that Saddam Hussein must disarm.
And it is the task of the President, in accordance with the
constitutional responsibilities that he holds, to make a determination
about at what point the risk from Saddam Hussein has reached such a
level that a coalition of the willing will actually act to disarm
Saddam Hussein because the United Nations Security Council did not.
If the suggestion is that no action can be taken absent the United
Nations Security Council, that logic would suggest that Slobodon
Milosevic should be restored to power.
Q My last follow-up, and I apologize to my colleagues. But I'm
just wondering if the United Nations wouldn't be on a sounder legal
footing if it simply declared that it was acting in enforcement of its
own policies, of its own Congress, rather than undertaking a United
Nations enforcement mission where the United Nations has not sanctioned
it.
MR. FLEISCHER: I think the United Nations has said that Iraq must
disarm, and any military action taken by this coalition would be aimed
at disarming Saddam Hussein. So whether it follows the Security
Council procedures, or not, it follows the Security Council imperative,
which is for Saddam Hussein to disarm.
Q Is the President pushing so hard on the second resolution in
part to provide cover for leaders like Aznar, who is facing intense
resistance at home, and if the United States went to war without a
U.N. resolution, Aznar's party could lose control and we'd lose an
ally in Europe? Is that one of the rationales? Because he says the
resolution is not necessary, but yet, it seems to be --
MR. FLEISCHER: I'm not sure I understand the question. You're
asking me to predict --
Q Part of the push for the second resolution is to protect
people like Aznar, who is already unpopular at home and would be even
more unpopular if we went to war without a U.N. backing.
MR. FLEISCHER: What's the question?
Q Is one of the reasons he is pushing so hard to protect people
like Aznar, leaders like Aznar?
MR. FLEISCHER: The President thinks that's it's important for the
United Nations Security Council to play a meaningful role in the
world. And the President thinks it's important not only for the
leaders of Europe, for nations around the world, to know that the
Security Council is an effective enforcement body. And that's why the
President went to New York last September. And the President would
like to see this done through the United Nations Security Council.
But I don't think there's a nation in the world that wants Saddam
Hussein to be armed and to use those weapons. So it does become a
question of at what point will the Security Council make the decision
to act or not act. And this is why I think it is an important analogy
to say that if the Security Council fails to act, does that mean the
world must wait? Because if the United Nations Security Council was
the only way that international order could be kept, Slobodon Milosevic
would still be in power, bringing genocide to the Muslims and to others
in Serbia. I remind you, the Security Council failed to act during the
genocide that was being carried out by Slobodon Milosevic, and the
world still acted, NATO still acted and peace was kept.
Q How much does he worry that by Aznar allying himself with
Bush, that -- is the President worried that that's hurting Aznar's
standing in Spain and may cause the collapse of his party?
MR. FLEISCHER: Well, the President thinks that by doing the right
thing and by preserving peace, that is the best way to represent the
public in all nations. That leaders who stand strong and do what is
right to preserve peace will be leaders who act in the interest of
their publics.
Q You don't have to do any convincing with Aznar; he's on board
in terms of Iraq. You mentioned just now they're going to talk about
the resolution. What other specific issues are they going to talk
about? It's a lot of hours of meetings.
MR. FLEISCHER: I think the heart of it is going to be looking
forward, planning for the debate at the United Nations, talking about
the language of the resolution. And I anticipate that will be the core
of it. There could be -- there will be trade issues that could come
up, as well, in our conversations. There could be issues involving
NATO enlargement, NATO expansion. Those are also topics that come up
in these type of conversations.
Q How about military -- for Iraq?
MR. FLEISCHER: It is conceivable. And obviously, the President
will have a news conference tomorrow, and so you'll get a good report.
Q -- tonight by any chance?
MR. FLEISCHER: Tonight is going to be a social evening. I really
do not anticipate anything of a substantive nature to be read tonight,
so, no.
Q Can you address the background the Philippines troop
deployment, and how did that decision come up? And is this in response
to a request from the Philippines, or is this a decision that was made,
and how long has that been vetted?
MR. FLEISCHER: If you remember, on September 20th last year, 2001,
the President went to the Congress and talked about how this is a
worldwide fight against terror, and the United States stood ready to
help nations around the world as they deal with the menace that
terrorism has brought to shores of various nations.
The Philippine people have been victims of terrorism from Abu
Sayyaf, have been engaged in a very brave struggle, lead by President
Arroyo, against the terrorists of Abu Sayyaf. The government of the
Philippines has asked the United States to follow up on last year's
deployment to Basilan Island, where the United States troops supported
the armed forces of the Philippines, who are driving ASG terrorists
from the island and restoring order.
We have agreed to that request, and will deploy forces to Sulu
Archipelago in Southern Philippines. The armed forces of the
Philippines will conduct operations supported by United States troops
against the Abu Sayyaf group. The armed forces of the Philippines has
the lead, and U.S. forces will assist them. This is another example
of where the world stands united in the effort to defeat terrorism.
Abu Sayyaf is not a small, disorganized band of terrorists. They
are a very serious and deadly terrorist organization, which if they
have their way, they intend to wreak havoc on the people of the
Philippines. And the United States is proud to stand together with our
friends, the Philippines, to counter the threat.
Q When we were there last time, they could -- our troops could
fire only if fired upon first, in a defensive posture. Are they under
those restrictions this time, or can they go on the offensive?
MR. FLEISCHER: The Philippine Secretary of Defense is going to be
in Washington next week meeting with the United States Secretary of
Defense. Anything involving rules of engagement will come out of the
Pentagon. So I would refer you to the Pentagon to discuss anything
specific about rules of engagement.
Q Ari, would it be fair to say that the President believes this
second resolution is the United Nations' last chance to prove its
relevance? I mean, judging from what you've said, that's what you're
saying.
MR. FLEISCHER: Well, given the fact that this is, in reality, the
18th resolution, the President does not think there needs to be a
19th. So this is a very important moment for the United Nations
Security Council to decide whether or not it will act.
Q Did you say earlier that he would -- the President would call
all 15 leaders between now and --
MR. FLEISCHER: No, I was asked, will he call all 15, and I said
that the President will be calling and the Vice President, the National
Security Advisor, the Secretary of State will be making calls and
working the diplomacy of this. So that's not a prediction the
President himself will call all 15. But, of course, there will be a
lot of diplomacy going on.
Q What do you expect over the next --
Q Ari, the President spoke yesterday outside of Atlanta about
the risk of doing nothing to disarm Saddam Hussein. He often speaks
about this. But he often does not speak about the risk of war. Do you
think the President has prepared the nation enough for the prospects of
war?
MR. FLEISCHER: One, I think the nation understands how real and
how serious this is. The American people, waking up every day and
seeing discussions in their newspapers, watching on TV, seeing the
deployments of their brothers and sisters and friends and co-workers to
the Gulf, they understand that this is serious. I think they
understand that Saddam Hussein poses a real threat and risk to the
United States. And they have been very supportive of the President's
efforts.
In the event the President does decide that force will be used, the
President will engage in additional conversation with the American
people. But in the President's mind, there is no question and no doubt
that if he makes a decision that force is necessary to disarm Saddam
Hussein, he has no doubt the country will rally to the cry. I'm sorry,
he has no doubt that the country will rally to the call.
Q In his subsequent speeches that may come about if he decides
to go to war, then he'll address things about how it might affect the
economy, or casualties, and a sacrifice for Americans, and things like
that?
MR. FLEISCHER: I'm not going to predict the exact words that the
President will use, but there's no question that the President will
have additional communications with the country if it comes to that.
Q -- the U.S.-Turkish -- as being very close --
MR. FLEISCHER: I really indicated everything I'm going to indicate
on the topic of Turkey and how closely we are working with Turkish
officials now. I'm not going to go beyond what I've said before.
We've noted their statements and we look forward to continuing working
with them here.
Q -- of money?
MR. FLEISCHER: I'm sorry?
Q -- money --
MR. FLEISCHER: There's still a variety of issues that are being
discussed.
Q Has the gap, the money gap been closed at all?
MR. FLEISCHER: I'm not going to get into the specifics of what is
being discussed. There are several matters that are being discussed,
and we look forward to continuing those discussions and working closely
with Turkey, who is facing up to its responsibilities very seriously.
Q -- our involvement --
MR. FLEISCHER: I am where I left it.
Q Ari, just to fine-tune two of your answers. Are you saying
that the phone calls by the President and the Vice President and the
National Security Advisor, et cetera, that those calls will reach all
15 countries of the Security Council?
MR. FLEISCHER: I think one way or another, there's no question
that all 15 member states of the Security Council, of course, will all
be talked to.
Q The second fine-tuning, about the deployment to the
Philippines. Are you confirming that it's going to be -- sorry, do you
have a figure for the troops? We have reports from unnamed defense
officials saying it's like --
MR. FLEISCHER: Yes, I noticed that one TV report last night said
3,000, another said 750, and one august newspaper this morning said, I
think, 1,600 or 1,700.
Q Right. Can you shed some light on this?
MR. FLEISCHER: Given such reporting, I think DOD is the
appropriate authoritative place to shed light.
Q Can you be a little more specific about the course of the
conversations you anticipate this week? Are there issues that are
unique to Spain, for instance, regarding the language of the resolution
that need to be worked through, and issues unique to the Spanish-U.S.
relationship regarding the debate in the U.N.? Is there something that
MR. FLEISCHER: No, I wouldn't say the language issues are unique
to Spain. What you have here are allies working together to find the
best way to reach agreement at the Security Council. And that's why I
said this is much like what took place last November where we went
through the same process of a resolution being drafted, the words being
carefully examined, the words being shared with other nations, all in
an attempt to do exactly what the United Nations Security Council is
set up to do, which is to form common bond, to forge agreements. And
so this is a very collaborative process among allies, and that's why
the meetings will include discussions of language.
Q An unrelated follow-up. In a postwar Iraq, does the U.S.
favor continuing the autonomous Kurdish group that's formed in northern
Iraq now?
MR. FLEISCHER: The United States has been unequivocal that we
support the territorial integrity of Iraq, and we support no efforts to
divide Iraq up. It is our stated policy that Iraq's territorial
integrity shall be respected and maintained.
Q The Washington Post story today about plans for postwar Iraq
-- is that story accurate?
MR. FLEISCHER: The question was about the Washington Post story
today about postwar Iraq. And as we have said repeatedly that the
United States, working with our allies, knows that the future of Iraq
will be decided by the Iraqi people, that Iraq will be governed by
Iraqis. And those would be Iraqis from both inside and outside Iraq.
There will, of course, be a period, in the event that force is
used, where the military will be in Iraq to promote stability and peace
in Iraq. During this period, there will be civilian Iraqis who are
responsible for the governance of Iraq, and that will evolve throughout
a transition period. And that is the path toward the future of Iraq.
Q Has President Bush talked directly to President Fox about the
Iraqi resolution? Are there any plans for him to do so?
MR. FLEISCHER: I'd have to take a look at the phone log to see
when the last time they talked was. But they have talked from time to
time. And, as you know, I think we are pretty good at reporting to you
the calls that the President makes, so we'll keep you informed. And
there are always conversations at other levels, as well.
Q These two guys were so close two years ago. On an issue this
big, why wouldn't they have talked by now? Is there a strain on this
relationship? Are they on the outs with each other?
MR. FLEISCHER: I didn't indicate that they hadn't talked by now.
I said that I had to take a look at the phone log to see when the last
time that they talked was. And I could tell you, I was there in the
summit meeting that the President had with President Fox in Mexico as
part of the APEC, and they talked about Iraq at that time, as well. So
they talk about it and it will continue to be talked about.
Q Is Aznar any kind of intermediary here, emissary?
MR. FLEISCHER: I wouldn't use the word "intermediary." But as
always, in a case like this, what you do see is a series of circular
diplomacy, where the President will talk to one leader, who will in
turn talk to another leader, who will in turn to talk to a third
leader. If you recall, Prime Minister Blair and President Aznar met
before Prime Minister Blair came to the United States. President
Berlusconi, upon his departure from the United States, after he met
with President Bush, went to meet with President Putin in Moscow. And
so there is a continual -- continual process of diplomacy, where the
various leaders all talk with each other.
This was why I was indicating that we have an alliance of members
on the Security Council who are working closely together to make
certain that there is sufficient support on the Security Council to
disarm Saddam Hussein.
Q In the talks with Turkey, it is clear that not only does the
United States have something to lose, but the Turks realize they have
something to lose, not only money, but also that it would have an
impact on bilateral relations, on other matters which can affect
financial issues and other things, too. In these talks with these 15
countries that the President and other administration officials are
going to make, is it being made clear to these countries, apart from
the issues of Iraq and security issues there, that their bilateral
relations with the United States could be impacted and these countries
could have something to lose, just as Turkey does?
MR. FLEISCHER: No, I don't think that's the case at all. In fact,
take a look -- Germany is an example. Germany, we already anticipate,
will vote no on any resolution at the Security Council. Yet in the
end, Germany played a constructive role in NATO to make certain that
our ally, Turkey, could be defended.
If you recall, Germany supported the position of the military
divisions within NATO, the Defense Planning Committee, to protect
Turkey, which indeed is receiving the AWAX and the chemical weapon
defenses and other supplies that NATO is now on the ground providing to
Turkey. That's an example of a nation that intends to vote no at the
Security Council is still a member of the Alliance and is still helpful
in certain regards.
And so, this remains an important issue to be negotiated and to be
discussed with various nations. And that's exactly why the Security
Council is set up, so that diplomacy and logic can prevail.
Q There's no underlying message to countries which might vote
against the United States on this that it could harm bilateral
relations with the United States?
MR. FLEISCHER: No, I think nations' actions and nations' votes
will speak for themselves. Clearly, President Bush has made this a
major priority to disarm Saddam Hussein. We indeed hope that other
nations will see it the same way. It is hard for us to understand how
nations would allow a process to take place that fails to disarm Saddam
Hussein. And this will be handled through diplomacy and through
logic.
Q Some of these countries are quite poor, like Guinea* and
Cameroon, for example, Angola. There's no underlying message there
that the United States might not be there on their behalf with the
International Monetary Organization, the World Bank, there's no message
there that this could impact their future down the line?
MR. FLEISCHER: I think everybody understands that the United
Nations Security Council process is meant to be a serious process,
where there are rotating nations -- the E-10 -- that are put on to the
Security Council, and this is their moment on the world stage to weigh
carefully and seriously weighty matters such as how best to disarm
Saddam Hussein. That is the purpose of having revolving nations take
their place on the Security Council. The President is confident they
will face their responsibilities seriously, and he will engage in
serious discussions with these nations about the importance of
disarming Saddam Hussein.
Q Could you just go over who's going to be at the dinner
tonight?
MR. FLEISCHER: I don't think I brought it with me. It's a very
small dinner. It's the President and Mrs. Bush, Dr. Rice, and I think
one or two of the President's friends. That's it from the American
side.
I'm sorry?
Q No one else from Washington will be --
MR. FLEISCHER: That's it.
Q Daniel Fried --
MR. FLEISCHER: Dan will be at the meeting tomorrow morning. The
meeting is an exceptionally small meeting. It will be the
President, Dr. Rice, and Dan Fried on the American side.
Q Can I ask one other off-the-subject --
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