President Discusses the Future of Iraq
Washington Hilton Hotel
Washington, D.C.
7:22 P.M. EST
THE PRESIDENT: Thanks for the warm welcome. I'm proud to be with
the scholars, and the friends, and the supporters of the American
Enterprise Institute. I want to thank you for overlooking my dress
code violation. (Laughter.) They were about to stop me at the door,
but Irving Kristol said, "I know this guy, let him in." (Laughter.)
Chris, thank you for your very kind introduction, and thank you for
your leadership. I see many distinguished guests here tonight --
members of my Cabinet, members of Congress, Justice Scalia, Justice
Thomas, and so many respected writers and policy experts. I'm always
happy to see your Senior Fellow, Dr. Lynne Cheney. (Applause.) Lynne
is a wise and thoughtful commentator on history and culture, and a dear
friend to Laura and me. I'm also familiar with the good work of her
husband -- (laughter.) You may remember him, the former director of
my vice presidential search committee. (Laughter.) Thank God Dick
Cheney said yes. (Applause.)
Thanks for fitting me into the program tonight. I know I'm not the
featured speaker. I'm just a warm-up act for Allan Meltzer. But I
want to congratulate Dr. Meltzer for a lifetime of achievement, and for
tonight's well-deserved honor. Congratulations. (Applause.)
At the American Enterprise Institute, some of the finest minds in
our nation are at work on some of the greatest challenges to our
nation. You do such good work that my administration has borrowed 20
such minds. I want to thank them for their service, but I also want to
remind people that for 60 years, AEI scholars have made vital
contributions to our country and to our government, and we are grateful
for those contributions.
We meet here during a crucial period in the history of our nation,
and of the civilized world. Part of that history was written by
others; the rest will be written by us. (Applause.) On a September
morning, threats that had gathered for years, in secret and far away,
led to murder in our country on a massive scale. As a result, we must
look at security in a new way, because our country is a battlefield in
the first war of the 21st century.
We learned a lesson: The dangers of our time must be confronted
actively and forcefully, before we see them again in our skies and in
our cities. And we set a goal: we will not allow the triumph of
hatred and violence in the affairs of men. (Applause.)
Our coalition of more than 90 countries is pursuing the networks of
terror with every tool of law enforcement and with military power. We
have arrested, or otherwise dealt with, many key commanders of al
Qaeda. (Applause.) Across the world, we are hunting down the killers
one by one. We are winning. And we're showing them the definition of
American justice. (Applause.) And we are opposing the greatest danger
in the war on terror: outlaw regimes arming with weapons of mass
destruction.
In Iraq, a dictator is building and hiding weapons that could
enable him to dominate the Middle East and intimidate the civilized
world -- and we will not allow it. (Applause.) This same tyrant has
close ties to terrorist organizations, and could supply them with the
terrible means to strike this country -- and America will not permit
it. The danger posed by Saddam Hussein and his weapons cannot be
ignored or wished away. The danger must be confronted. We hope that
the Iraqi regime will meet the demands of the United Nations and
disarm, fully and peacefully. If it does not, we are prepared to
disarm Iraq by force. Either way, this danger will be removed.
(Applause.)
The safety of the American people depends on ending this direct and
growing threat. Acting against the danger will also contribute greatly
to the long-term safety and stability of our world. The current Iraqi
regime has shown the power of tyranny to spread discord and violence in
the Middle East. A liberated Iraq can show the power of freedom to
transform that vital region, by bringing hope and progress into the
lives of millions. America's interests in security, and America's
belief in liberty, both lead in the same direction: to a free and
peaceful Iraq. (Applause.)
The first to benefit from a free Iraq would be the Iraqi people,
themselves. Today they live in scarcity and fear, under a dictator who
has brought them nothing but war, and misery, and torture. Their lives
and their freedom matter little to Saddam Hussein -- but Iraqi lives
and freedom matter greatly to us. (Applause.)
Bringing stability and unity to a free Iraq will not be easy. Yet
that is no excuse to leave the Iraqi regime's torture chambers and
poison labs in operation. Any future the Iraqi people choose for
themselves will be better than the nightmare world that Saddam Hussein
has chosen for them. (Applause.)
If we must use force, the United States and our coalition stand
ready to help the citizens of a liberated Iraq. We will deliver
medicine to the sick, and we are now moving into place nearly 3 million
emergency rations to feed the hungry.
We'll make sure that Iraq's 55,000 food distribution sites,
operating under the Oil For Food program, are stocked and open as soon
as possible. The United States and Great Britain are providing tens of
millions of dollars to the U.N. High Commission on Refugees, and to
such groups as the World Food Program and UNICEF, to provide emergency
aid to the Iraqi people.
We will also lead in carrying out the urgent and dangerous work of
destroying chemical and biological weapons. We will provide security
against those who try to spread chaos, or settle scores, or threaten
the territorial integrity of Iraq. We will seek to protect Iraq's
natural resources from sabotage by a dying regime, and ensure those
resources are used for the benefit of the owners -- the Iraqi
people. (Applause.)
The United States has no intention of determining the precise form
of Iraq's new government. That choice belongs to the Iraqi people.
Yet, we will ensure that one brutal dictator is not replaced by
another. All Iraqis must have a voice in the new government, and all
citizens must have their rights protected. (Applause.)
Rebuilding Iraq will require a sustained commitment from many
nations, including our own: we will remain in Iraq as long as
necessary, and not a day more. America has made and kept this kind of
commitment before -- in the peace that followed a world war. After
defeating enemies, we did not leave behind occupying armies, we left
constitutions and parliaments. We established an atmosphere of safety,
in which responsible, reform-minded local leaders could build lasting
institutions of freedom. In societies that once bred fascism and
militarism, liberty found a permanent home.
There was a time when many said that the cultures of Japan and
Germany were incapable of sustaining democratic values. Well, they
were wrong. Some say the same of Iraq today. They are mistaken.
(Applause.) The nation of Iraq -- with its proud heritage, abundant
resources and skilled and educated people -- is fully capable of
moving toward democracy and living in freedom. (Applause.)
The world has a clear interest in the spread of democratic values,
because stable and free nations do not breed the ideologies of murder.
They encourage the peaceful pursuit of a better life. And there are
hopeful signs of a desire for freedom in the Middle East. Arab
intellectuals have called on Arab governments to address the "freedom
gap" so their peoples can fully share in the progress of our times.
Leaders in the region speak of a new Arab charter that champions
internal reform, greater politics participation, economic openness, and
free trade. And from Morocco to Bahrain and beyond, nations are taking
genuine steps toward politics reform. A new regime in Iraq would serve
as a dramatic and inspiring example of freedom for other nations in the
region. (Applause.)
It is presumptuous and insulting to suggest that a whole region of
the world -- or the one-fifth of humanity that is Muslim -- is
somehow untouched by the most basic aspirations of life. Human
cultures can be vastly different. Yet the human heart desires the same
good things, everywhere on Earth. In our desire to be safe from brutal
and bullying oppression, human beings are the same. In our desire to
care for our children and give them a better life, we are the same.
For these fundamental reasons, freedom and democracy will always and
everywhere have greater appeal than the slogans of hatred and the
tactics of terror. (Applause.)
Success in Iraq could also begin a new stage for Middle Eastern
peace, and set in motion progress towards a truly democratic
Palestinian state. (Applause.) The passing of Saddam Hussein's regime
will deprive terrorist networks of a wealthy patron that pays for
terrorist training, and offers rewards to families of suicide bombers.
And other regimes will be given a clear warning that support for terror
will not be tolerated. (Applause.)
Without this outside support for terrorism, Palestinians who are
working for reform and long for democracy will be in a better position
to choose new leaders. (Applause.) True leaders who strive for peace;
true leaders who faithfully serve the people. A Palestinian state must
be a reformed and peaceful state that abandons forever the use of
terror. (Applause.)
For its part, the new government of Israel -- as the terror
threat is removed and security improves -- will be expected to
support the creation of a viable Palestinian state -- (applause) --
and to work as quickly as possible toward a final status agreement. As
progress is made toward peace, settlement activity in the occupied
territories must end. (Applause.) And the Arab states will be
expected to meet their responsibilities to oppose terrorism, to support
the emergence of a peaceful and democratic Palestine, and state clearly
they will live in peace with Israel. (Applause.)
The United States and other nations are working on a road map for
peace. We are setting out the necessary conditions for progress toward
the goal of two states, Israel and Palestine, living side by side in
peace and security. It is the commitment of our government -- and my
personal commitment -- to implement the road map and to reach that
goal. Old patterns of conflict in the Middle East can be broken, if
all concerned will let go of bitterness, hatred, and violence, and get
on with the serious work of economic development, and political reform,
and reconciliation. America will seize every opportunity in pursuit of
peace. And the end of the present regime in Iraq would create such an
opportunity. (Applause.)
In confronting Iraq, the United States is also showing our
commitment to effective international institutions. We are a permanent
member of the United Nations Security Council. We helped to create the
Security Council. We believe in the Security Council -- so much that
we want its words to have meaning. (Applause.)
The global threat of proliferation of weapons of mass destruction
cannot be confronted by one nation alone. The world needs today and
will need tomorrow international bodies with the authority and the will
to stop the spread of terror and chemical and biological and nuclear
weapons. A threat to all must be answered by all. High-minded
pronouncements against proliferation mean little unless the strongest
nations are willing to stand behind them -- and use force if
necessary. After all, the United Nations was created, as Winston
Churchill said, to "make sure that the force of right will, in the
ultimate issue, be protected by the right of force."
Another resolution is now before the Security Council. If the
council responds to Iraq's defiance with more excuses and delays, if
all its authority proves to be empty, the United Nations will be
severely weakened as a source of stability and order. If the members
rise to this moment, then the Council will fulfill its founding
purpose.
I've listened carefully, as people and leaders around the world
have made known their desire for peace. All of us want peace. The
threat to peace does not come from those who seek to enforce the just
demands of the civilized world; the threat to peace comes from those
who flout those demands. If we have to act, we will act to restrain
the violent, and defend the cause of peace. And by acting, we will
signal to outlaw regimes that in this new century, the boundaries of
civilized behavior will be respected. (Applause.)
Protecting those boundaries carries a cost. If war is forced upon
us by Iraq's refusal to disarm, we will meet an enemy who hides his
military forces behind civilians, who has terrible weapons, who is
capable of any crime. The dangers are real, as our soldiers, and
sailors, airmen, and Marines fully understand. Yet, no military has
ever been better prepared to meet these challenges.
Members of our Armed Forces also understand why they may be called
to fight. They know that retreat before a dictator guarantees even
greater sacrifices in the future. They know that America's cause is
right and just: liberty for an oppressed people, and security for the
American people. And I know something about these men and women who
wear our uniform: they will complete every mission they are given with
skill, and honor, and courage. (Applause.)
Much is asked of America in this year 2003. The work ahead is
demanding. It will be difficult to help freedom take hold in a country
that has known three decades of dictatorship, secret police, internal
divisions, and war. It will be difficult to cultivate liberty and
peace in the Middle East, after so many generations of strife. Yet,
the security of our nation and the hope of millions depend on us, and
Americans do not turn away from duties because they are hard. We have
met great tests in other times, and we will meet the tests of our
time. (Applause.)
We go forward with confidence, because we trust in the power of
human freedom to change lives and nations. By the resolve and purpose
of America, and of our friends and allies, we will make this an age of
progress and liberty. Free people will set the course of history, and
free people will keep the peace of the world.
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